South African Tribes

The Indigenous tribes of South Africa have rich traditions, customs, and heritage, reflecting their diverse cultural practices and beliefs. South Africa is home to various indigenous tribes including the Zulu, Xhosa, Sotho, and San people, each with unique customs, traditions, and heritage that are deeply rooted in their history and way of life.

These tribes have preserved their cultural practices through storytelling, dance, music, art, and spiritual rituals, contributing to the rich tapestry of South Africa’s cultural heritage. Understanding and respecting these traditions is essential for preserving the cultural diversity and identity of South Africa’s indigenous tribes.

Everywhere you go in South Africa, you will find the incredible influence of these indigenous tribes, shaping the country’s cultural landscape and reinforcing the significance of their traditions and customs.

List of Tribes in South Africa

South Africa is a diverse country with a rich cultural heritage. One of the fascinating aspects of this heritage is the presence of numerous tribes across the nation. These tribes have played a significant role in shaping the country’s history, culture, and social fabric. Let’s explore some of the notable tribes in South Africa:

San People

The San, also known as the Bushmen, are the indigenous people of South Africa. They have a rich history that spans thousands of years, with their rock art being a testament to their ancestral presence. The San people have a deep knowledge of the land and a profound spiritual connection to nature.

Analysis: The struggle for the recognition and preservation of San heritage is an ongoing battle. As South Africa progresses, it is essential to ensure that the voices and rights of the San people are respected and protected.

The San peoples (also Saan), or Bushmen, are the members of any of the indigenous hunter-gatherer cultures of southern Africa, and the oldest surviving cultures of the region.[2] They are thought to have diverged from other humans 100,000 to 200,000 years ago. Their recent ancestral territories span Botswana, Namibia, Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, and South Africa.

The San speak, or their ancestors spoke, languages of the Khoe, Tuu, and Kxʼa language families, and can be defined as a people only in contrast to neighboring pastoralists such as the Khoekhoe and descendants of more recent waves of immigration such as the Bantu, Europeans, and Asians.

In 2017, Botswana was home to approximately 63,500 San, making it the country with the highest proportion of San people at 2.8%. San people were enumerated in Namibia in 2023, making it the country with the second highest proportion of San people at 2.4%.

Definition

In Khoekhoegowab, the term "San" has a long vowel and is spelled Sān. It is an exonym meaning "foragers" and is used in a derogatory manner to describe people too poor to have cattle. Based on observation of lifestyle, this term has been applied to speakers of three distinct language families living between the Okavango River in Botswana and Etosha National Park in northwestern Namibia, extending up into southern Angola; central peoples of most of Namibia and Botswana, extending into Zambia and Zimbabwe; and the southern people in the central Kalahari towards the Molopo River, who are the last remnant of the previously extensive indigenous peoples of southern Africa.

Names

Portrait of a bushman. Alfred Duggan-Cronin. South Africa, early 20th century. The Wellcome Collection, London.

The designations "Bushmen" and "San" are both exonyms. The San have no collective word for themselves in their own languages. "San" comes from a derogatory Khoekhoe word used to refer to foragers without cattle or other wealth, from a root saa "picking up from the ground" + plural -n in the Haiǁom dialect.

"Bushmen" is the older cover term, but "San" was widely adopted in the West by the late 1990s. The term Bushmen, from 17th-century Dutch Bosjesmans, is still used by others and to self-identify, but is now considered pejorative or derogatory by many South Africans. In 2008, the use of boesman (the modern Afrikaans equivalent of "Bushman") in the Die Burger newspaper was brought before the Equality Court. The San Council testified that it had no objection to its use in a positive context, and the court ruled that the use of the term was not derogatory.

The San refer to themselves as their individual nations, such as ǃKung (also spelled ǃXuun, including the Juǀʼhoansi), ǀXam, Nǁnǂe (part of the Khomani), Kxoe (Khwe and ǁAni), Haiǁom, Ncoakhoe, Tshuwau, Gǁana and Gǀui (ǀGwi), etc.Representatives of San peoples in 2003 stated their preference for the use of such individual group names, where possible, over the use of the collective term San.

Adoption of the Khoekhoe term San in Western anthropology dates to the 1970s, and this remains the standard term in English-language ethnographic literature, although some authors later switched back to using the name Bushmen. The compound Khoisan is used to refer to the pastoralist Khoi and the foraging San collectively. It was coined by Leonhard Schulze in the 1920s and popularized by Isaac Schapera in 1930. Anthropological use of San was detached from the compound Khoisan, as it has been reported that the exonym San is perceived as a pejorative in parts of the central Kalahari. By the late 1990s, the term San was used generally by the people themselves. The adoption of the term was preceded by a number of meetings held in the 1990s where delegates debated on the adoption of a collective term. These meetings included the Common Access to Development Conference organized by the Government of Botswana held in Gaborone in 1993, the 1996 inaugural Annual General Meeting of the Working Group of Indigenous Minorities in Southern Africa (WIMSA) held in Namibia, and a 1997 conference in Cape Town on "Khoisan Identities and Cultural Heritage" organized by the University of the Western Cape. The term San is now standard in South African, and used officially in the blazon of the national coat-of-arms. The "South African San Council" representing San communities in South Africa was established as art of WIMSA in 2001.

The term Basarwa (singular Mosarwa) is used for the San collectively in Botswana. The term is a Bantu (Tswana) word meaning "those who do not rear cattle", that is, equivalent to Khoekhoe Saan. The mo-/ba- noun class prefixes are used for people; the older variant Masarwa, with the le-/ma- prefixes used for disreputable people and animals, is offensive and was changed at independence.

In Angola, they are sometimes referred to as mucancalas, or bosquímanos (a Portuguese adaptation of the Dutch term for "Bushmen"). The terms Amasili and Batwa are sometimes used for them in Zimbabwe. The San are also referred to as Batwa by Xhosa people and as Baroa by Sotho people. The Bantu term Batwa refers to any foraging tribesmen and as such overlaps with the terminology used for the "Pygmoid" Southern Twa of South-Central Africa.

History

Bush-Men Hottentots armed for an Expedition, 1804

The hunter-gatherer San are among the oldest cultures on Earth, and are thought to be descended from the first inhabitants of what is now Botswana and South Africa. The historical presence of the San in Botswana is particularly evident in northern Botswana's Tsodilo Hills region. San were traditionally semi-nomadic, moving seasonally within certain defined areas based on the availability of resources such as water, game animals, and edible plants. Peoples related to or similar to the San occupied the southern shores throughout the eastern shrubland and may have formed a Sangoan continuum from the Red Sea to the Cape of Good Hope. Early San society left a rich legacy of cave paintings across Southern Africa.

In the Bantu expansion (2000 BC - 1000 AD), San were driven off their ancestral lands or incorporated by Bantu speaking groups. The San were believed to have closer connections to the old spirits of the land, and were often turned to by other societies for rainmaking, as was the case at Mapungubwe. San shamans would enter a trance and go into the spirit world themselves to capture the animals associated with rain.

By the end of the 18th century after the arrival of the Dutch, thousands of San had been killed and forced to work for the colonists. The British tried to "civilize" the San and make them adopt a more agricultural lifestyle, but were not successful. By the 1870s, the last San of the Cape were hunted to extinction, while other San were able to survive. The South African government used to issue licenses for people to hunt the San, with the last one being reportedly issued in Namibia in 1936.

From the 1950s through to the 1990s, San communities switched to farming because of government-mandated modernization programs. Despite the lifestyle changes, they have provided a wealth of information in anthropology and genetics. One broad study of African genetic diversity, completed in 2009, found that the genetic diversity of the San was among the top five of all 121 sampled populations. Certain San groups are one of 14 known extant "ancestral population clusters"; that is, "groups of populations with common genetic ancestry, who share ethnicity and similarities in both their culture and the properties of their languages".

Despite some positive aspects of government development programs reported by members of San and Bakgalagadi communities in Botswana, many have spoken of a consistent sense of exclusion from government decision-making processes, and many San and Bakgalagadi have alleged experiencing ethnic discrimination on the part of the government.The United States Department of State described ongoing discrimination against San, or Basarwa, people in Botswana in 2013 as the "principal human rights concern" of that country.

Society

Further information: San healing practices, San rock art, and San religion

Drinking water from the bi bulb plant

Starting a fire by hand

Preparing poison arrows

San man

The San kinship system reflects their history as traditionally small mobile foraging bands. San kinship is similar to Inuit kinship, which uses the same set of terms as in European cultures but adds a name rule and an age rule for determining what terms to use. The age rule resolves any confusion arising from kinship terms, as the older of two people always decides what to call the younger. Relatively few names circulate (approximately 35 names per sex), and each child is named after a grandparent or another relative, but never their parents.

Children have no social duties besides playing, and leisure is very important to San of all ages. Large amounts of time are spent in conversation, joking, music, and sacred dances. Women may be leaders of their own family groups. They may also make important family and group decisions and claim ownership of water holes and foraging areas. Women are mainly involved in the gathering of food, but sometimes also partake in hunting.

Water is important in San life. During long droughts, they make use of sip wells in order to collect water. To make a sip well, a San scrapes a deep hole where the sand is damp, and inserts a long hollow grass stem into the hole. An empty ostrich egg is used to collect the water. Water is sucked into the straw from the sand, into the mouth, and then travels down another straw into the ostrich egg.

Traditionally, the San were an egalitarian society. Although they had hereditary chiefs, their authority was limited. The San made decisions among themselves by consensus, with women treated as relative equals in decision making. San economy was a gift economy, based on giving each other gifts regularly rather than on trading or purchasing goods and services.

Most San are monogamous, but if a hunter is able to obtain enough food, he can afford to have a second wife as well.

Subsistence

Villages range in sturdiness from nightly rain shelters in the warm spring (when people move constantly in search of budding greens), to formalized rings, wherein people congregate in the dry season around permanent waterholes. Early spring is the hardest season: a hot dry period following the cool, dry winter. Most plants still are dead or dormant, and supplies of autumn nuts are exhausted. Meat is particularly important in the dry months when wildlife cannot range far from the receding waters.

Women gather fruit, berries, tubers, bush onions, and other plant materials for the band's consumption. Ostrich eggs are gathered, and the empty shells are used as water containers. Insects provide perhaps 10% of animal proteins consumed, most often during the dry season. Depending on location, the San consume 18 to 104 species, including grasshoppers, beetles, caterpillars, moths, butterflies, and termites.

Women's traditional gathering gear is simple and effective: a hide sling, a blanket, a cloak called a kaross to carry foodstuffs, firewood, smaller bags, a digging stick, and perhaps, a smaller version of the kaross to carry a baby.

Men, and presumably women when they accompany them, hunt in long, laborious tracking excursions. They kill their game using bow and arrows and spears tipped in diamphotoxin, a slow-acting arrow poison produced by beetle larvae of the genus Diamphidia.

Early history

Wandering hunters (Masarwa Bushmen), North Kalahari desert, published in 1892 (from H. A. Bryden photogr.)

A set of tools almost identical to that used by the modern San and dating to 42,000 BC was discovered at Border Cave in KwaZulu-Natal in 2012.

In 2006, what is thought to be the world's oldest ritual is interpreted as evidence which would make the San culture the oldest still practiced culture today.

Historical evidence shows that certain San communities have always lived in the desert regions of the Kalahari; however, eventually nearly all other San communities in southern Africa were forced into this region. The Kalahari San remained in poverty where their richer neighbours denied them rights to the land. Before long, in both Botswana and Namibia, they found their territory drastically reduced.

Genetics

Various Y chromosome studies show that the San carry some of the most divergent (earliest branching) human Y-chromosome haplogroups. These haplogroups are specific sub-groups of haplogroups A and B, the two earliest branches on the human Y-chromosome tree.

Mitochondrial DNA studies also provide evidence that the San carry high frequencies of the earliest haplogroup branches in the human mitochondrial DNA tree. This DNA is inherited only from one's mother. The most divergent (earliest branching) mitochondrial haplogroup, L0d, has been identified at its highest frequencies in the southern African San groups.

In a study published in March 2011, Brenna Henn and colleagues found that the ǂKhomani San, as well as the Sandawe and Hadza peoples of Tanzania, were the most genetically diverse of any living humans studied. This high degree of genetic diversity hints at the origin of anatomically modern humans.

A 2008 study suggested that the San may have been isolated from other original ancestral groups for as much as 50,000 to 100,000 years and later rejoined, re-integrating into the rest of the human gene pool.

A DNA study of fully sequenced genomes, published in September 2016, showed that the ancestors of today's San hunter-gatherers began to diverge from other human populations in Africa about 200,000 years ago and were fully isolated by 100,000 years ago.

Ancestral land conflict in Botswana

Main article: Ancestral land conflict in Botswana

San family in Botswana

According to professors Robert K. Hitchcock, Wayne A. Babchuk, "In 1652, when Europeans established a full-time presence in Southern Africa, there were some 300,000 San and 600,000 Khoekhoe in Southern Africa. During the early phases of European colonization, tens of thousands of Khoekhoe and San peoples lost their lives as a result of genocide, murder, physical mistreatment, and disease. There were cases of “Bushman hunting” in which commandos (mobile paramilitary units or posses) sought to dispatch San and Khoekhoe in various parts of Southern Africa."

Much aboriginal people's land in Botswana, including land occupied by the San people (or Basarwa), was conquered during colonization. Loss of land and access to natural resources continued after Botswana's independence. The San have been particularly affected by encroachment by majority peoples and non-indigenous farmers onto their traditional land. Government policies from the 1970s transferred a significant area of traditionally San land to majority agro-pastoralist tribes and white settlers much of the government's policy regarding land tended to favor the dominant Tswana peoples over the minority San and Bakgalagadi. Loss of land is a major contributor to the problems facing Botswana's indigenous people, including especially the San's eviction from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve. The government of Botswana decided to relocate all of those living within the reserve to settlements outside it. Harassment of residents, dismantling of infrastructure, and bans on hunting appear to have been used to induce residents to leave. The government has denied that any of the relocation was forced. A legal battle followed. The relocation policy may have been intended to facilitate diamond mining by Gem Diamonds within the reserve.

Hoodia traditional knowledge agreement

Hoodia gordonii, used by the San, was patented by the South African Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) in 1998, for its presumed appetite suppressing quality, although, according to a 2006 review, no published scientific evidence supported hoodia as an appetite suppressant in humans. A licence was granted to Phytopharm, for development of the active ingredient in the Hoodia plant, p57 (glycoside), to be used as a pharmaceutical drug for dieting. Once this patent was brought to the attention of the San, a benefit-sharing agreement was reached between them and the CSIR in 2003. This would award royalties to the San for the benefits of their indigenous knowledge. During the case, the San people were represented and assisted by the Working Group of Indigenous Minorities in Southern Africa (WIMSA), the South African San Council and the South African San Institute.

This benefit-sharing agreement is one of the first to give royalties to the holders of traditional knowledge used for drug sales. The terms of the agreement are contentious, because of their apparent lack of adherence to the Bonn Guidelines on Access to Genetic Resources and Benefit Sharing, as outlined in the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD). The San have yet to profit from this agreement, as P57 has still not yet been legally developed and marketed.

Representation in mass media

Rock paintings in the Cederberg, Western Cape

San paintings near Murewa, Zimbabwe

San paintings near Murewa

Early representations

The San of the Kalahari were first brought to the globalized world's attention in the 1950s by South African author Laurens van der Post. Van der Post grew up in South Africa, and had a respectful lifelong fascination with native African cultures. In 1955, he was commissioned by the BBC to go to the Kalahari desert with a film crew in search of the San. The filmed material was turned into a very popular six-part television documentary a year later. Driven by a lifelong fascination with this "vanished tribe," Van der Post published a 1958 book about this expedition, entitled The Lost World of the Kalahari. It was to be his most famous book.

In 1961, he published The Heart of the Hunter, a narrative which he admits in the introduction uses two previous works of stories and mythology as "a sort of Stone Age Bible," namely Specimens of Bushman Folklore' (1911), collected by Wilhelm H. I. Bleek and Lucy C. Lloyd, and Dorothea Bleek's Mantis and His Friend. Van der Post's work brought indigenous African cultures to millions of people around the world for the first time, but some people disparaged it as part of the subjective view of a European in the 1950s and 1960s, stating that he branded the San as simple "children of Nature" or even "mystical ecologists." In 1992 by John Perrot and team published the book "Bush for the Bushman" – a "desperate plea" on behalf of the aboriginal San addressing the international community and calling on the governments throughout Southern Africa to respect and reconstitute the ancestral land-rights of all San.

Documentaries and non-fiction

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John Marshall, the son of Harvard anthropologist Lorna Marshall, documented the lives of San in the Nyae Nyae region of Namibia over a period spanning more than 50-years. His early film The Hunters, shows a giraffe hunt. A Kalahari Family (2002) is a series documenting 50 years in the lives of the Juǀʼhoansi of Southern Africa, from 1951 to 2000. Marshall was a vocal proponent of the San cause throughout his life. His sister Elizabeth Marshall Thomas wrote several books and numerous articles about the San, based in part on her experiences living with these people when their culture was still intact. The Harmless People, published in 1959, and The Old Way: A Story of the First People, published in 2006, are two of them. John Marshall and Adrienne Miesmer documented the lives of the ǃKung San people between the 1950s and 1978 in Nǃai, the Story of a ǃKung Woman. This film, the account of a woman who grew up while the San lived as autonomous hunter-gatherers, but who later was forced into a dependent life in the government-created community at Tsumkwe, shows how the lives of the ǃKung people, who lived for millennia as hunter gatherers, were forever changed when they were forced onto a reservation too small to support them.

South African film-maker Richard Wicksteed has produced a number of documentaries on San culture, history and present situation; these include In God's Places / Iindawo ZikaThixo (1995) on the San cultural legacy in the southern Drakensberg; Death of a Bushman (2002) on the murder of San tracker Optel Rooi by South African police; The Will To Survive (2009), which covers the history and situation of San communities in southern Africa today; and My Land is My Dignity (2009) on the San's epic land rights struggle in Botswana's Central Kalahari Game Reserve.

A documentary on San hunting entitled, The Great Dance: A Hunter's Story (2000), directed by Damon and Craig Foster. This was reviewed by Lawrence Van Gelder for the New York Times, who said that the film "constitutes an act of preservation and a requiem."

Spencer Wells's 2003 book The Journey of Man—in connection with National Geographic's Genographic Project—discusses a genetic analysis of the San and asserts their genetic markers were the first ones to split from those of the ancestors of the bulk of other Homo sapiens sapiens. The PBS documentary based on the book follows these markers throughout the world, demonstrating that all of humankind can be traced back to the African continent (see Recent African origin of modern humans, the so-called "out of Africa" hypothesis).

The BBC's The Life of Mammals (2003) series includes video footage of an indigenous San of the Kalahari desert undertaking a persistence hunt of a kudu through harsh desert conditions. It provides an illustration of how early man may have pursued and captured prey with minimal weaponry.

The BBC series How Art Made the World (2005) compares San cave paintings from 200 years ago to Paleolithic European paintings that are 14,000 years old. Because of their similarities, the San works may illustrate the reasons for ancient cave paintings. The presenter Nigel Spivey draws largely on the work of Professor David Lewis-Williams,[83] whose PhD was entitled "Believing and Seeing: Symbolic meanings in southern San rock paintings". Lewis-Williams draws parallels with prehistoric art around the world, linking in shamanic ritual and trance states.

Films and music

Rock painting of a man in Twyfelfontein valley

A 1969 film, Lost in the Desert, features a small boy, stranded in the desert, who encounters a group of wandering San. They help him and then abandon him as a result of a misunderstanding created by the lack of a common language and culture. The film was directed by Jamie Uys, who returned to the San a decade later with The Gods Must Be Crazy, which proved to be an international hit. This comedy portrays a Kalahari San group's first encounter with an artifact from the outside world (a Coca-Cola bottle). By the time this movie was made, the ǃKung had recently been forced into sedentary villages, and the San hired as actors were confused by the instructions to act out inaccurate exaggerations of their almost abandoned hunting and gathering life.[84]

"Eh Hee" by Dave Matthews Band was written as an evocation of the music and culture of the San. In a story told to the Radio City audience (an edited version of which appears on the DVD version of Live at Radio City), Matthews recalls hearing the music of the San and, upon asking his guide what the words to their songs were, being told that "there are no words to these songs, because these songs, we've been singing since before people had words." He goes on to describe the song as his "homage to meeting... the most advanced people on the planet."

Rock engraving of a giraffe in Twyfelfontein valley

Memoirs

In Peter Godwin's biography When A Crocodile Eats the Sun, he mentions his time spent with the San for an assignment. His title comes from the San's belief that a solar eclipse occurs when a crocodile eats the sun.

Novels

Laurens van der Post's two novels, A Story Like The Wind (1972) and its sequel, A Far Off Place (1974), made into a 1993 film, are about a white boy encountering a wandering San and his wife, and how the San's life and survival skills save the white teenagers' lives in a journey across the desert.

James A. Michener's The Covenant (1980), is a work of historical fiction centered on South Africa. The first section of the book concerns a San community's journey set roughly in 13,000 BC.

In Wilbur Smith's novel The Burning Shore (an instalment in the Courtneys of Africa book series), the San people are portrayed through two major characters, O'wa and H'ani; Smith describes the San's struggles, history, and beliefs in great detail.

Norman Rush's 1991 novel Mating features an encampment of Basarwa near the (imaginary) Botswana town where the main action is set.

Tad Williams's epic Otherland series of novels features a South African San named ǃXabbu, whom Williams confesses to be highly fictionalized, and not necessarily an accurate representation. In the novel, Williams invokes aspects of San mythology and culture.

In 2007, David Gilman published The Devil's Breath. One of the main characters, a small San boy named ǃKoga, uses traditional methods to help the character Max Gordon travel across Namibia.

Alexander McCall Smith has written a series of episodic novels set in Gaborone, the capital of Botswana. The fiancé of the protagonist of The No. 1 Ladies' Detective Agency series, Mr. J. L. B. Matekoni, adopts two orphaned San children, sister and brother Motholeli and Puso.

The San feature in several of the novels by Michael Stanley (the nom de plume of Michael Sears and Stanley Trollip), particularly in Death of the Mantis.

In Christopher Hope's book Darkest England, the San hero, David Mungo Booi, is tasked by his fellow tribesmen with asking the Queen for the protection once promised, and to evaluate the possibility of creating a colony on the island. He discovered England in the manner of 19th century Western explorers.

SOUTHERN SOTHO PEOPLE

NORTHERN SOTHO PEOPLE

Sotho

The Sotho tribe is divided into three main sub-groups: the Southern Sotho, the Northern Sotho, and the Tswana. These tribes share a common language but have distinct cultural practices. Known for their vibrant traditional clothing and music, the Sotho people have a rich cultural heritage that is expressed through rituals, dance, and music.

The Sotho (/ˈsuːtuː/), also known as the Basotho (/bæˈsuːtuː/), are a Sotho-Tswana ethnic group who have long inhabited Southern Africa. They primarily inhabit the regions of Lesotho, South Africa, Botswana and Namibia

The ancestors of the Sotho people are believed to have originated from Northeast Africa, and migrated south in the fifth century CE. The Sotho people have split into different clans over time as a result of the Mfecane (a series of wars and migrations that took place in the 19th century) and colonialism. There are 3 types of Basotho, Northern Sotho, Southern Sotho, Tswana people

The British and the Boers (Dutch descendants) divided Sotho land amongst themselves in the late 19th century. Lesotho was created by the settlers in the 1869 Convention of Aliwal North following the conflict over land with Moshoeshoe I, the king of the Southern Sothos.

The Southern Sotho of Lesotho's identity emerged from the creation of Lesotho by the British after the Boers defeated Moshoeshoe I in the Third Basotho War in 1868 and he asked the British for protection. Some of the Southern Sotho speakers who were not part of Moshoeshoe's kingdom when he united some of their tribesmen are living in Gauteng, while some are found in the west of KwaZulu-Natal, the north of the Eastern Cape and most of the Free State province.

In modern times, the Sotho continue to make significant contributions to South African and Lesotho societies.

History

Early history

Further information: Bantu expansion and Sotho-Tswana peoples

The Basotho nation is a mixture of Bantu-speaking clans that mixed with San people who already lived in Southern Africa when they arrived there. Bantu-speaking people had settled in what is now South Africa by about 1500 AD. Separation from the Batswana is assumed to have taken place by the 14th century. Some Basotho people split from the Nguni while others got assimilated into building the Nguni nation. By the 16th century, Iron-working was well established in Basotho communities alongside their Nguni neighbours. Basotho were mostly independent and relatively isolated up until this point in which they occasionally traded with the regions north of their homeland with external links that are described as "Sporadic and Marginal". By at least the 17th century a series of Basotho kingdoms covered the southern portion of the African plateau (nowadays Free State Province and parts of Gauteng), North West. Basotho society was highly decentralized, and organized on the basis of kraals, or extended clans, each of which was ruled by its own chief. Chiefdoms were united into loose confederations.

19th century

19th century Sotho warrior (top) and King Moshoeshoe (bottom)

In the 1820s, refugees from the Zulu expansion under Shaka came into contact with the Basotho people residing on the highveld. In 1823, pressure caused one group of Basotho, the Kololo, to migrate north. They moved past the Okavango Swamp and across the Zambezi into Barotseland, (which is now part of Zambia, Angola, Zimbabwe, Botswana, and Namibia). In 1845, the Kololo conquered Barotseland.

At about the same time, the Boers began to encroach upon Basotho territory. After the Cape Colony was ceded to Britain at the conclusion of the Napoleonic Wars, many farmers opted to leave the former Dutch colony in the Great Trek. They moved inland, where they eventually established independent polities.

At the time of these developments, Moshoeshoe I gained control of the Basotho kingdoms of the southern highveld. Universally praised as a skilled diplomat and strategist, he molded the disparate refugee groups escaping the Difaqane into a cohesive nation. His leadership allowed his small nation to survive the obstacles that destroyed other indigenous South African kingdoms during the 19th century, such as the Zulu Mfecane, the inward expansion of the voortrekkers and the plans of the Colonial Office.

In 1822, Moshoeshoe established the capital at Butha-Buthe, an easily defensible mountain in the northern Drakensberg mountain range, thus laying the foundations of the eventual Kingdom of Lesotho. His capital was later moved to Thaba Bosiu.

To deal with the encroaching voortrekker groups, Moshoeshoe encouraged French missionary activity in his kingdom. Missionaries sent by the Paris Evangelical Missionary Society provided the King with foreign affairs counsel and helped to facilitate the purchase of modern weapons.

Aside from acting as state ministers, missionaries (primarily Casalis and Arbousset) played a vital role in delineating Sesotho orthography and printing Sesotho language materials between 1837 and 1855. The first Sesotho translation of the Bible appeared in 1878.

In 1868, after losing the western lowlands to the Boers during the Free State–Basotho Wars, Moshoeshoe successfully appealed to Queen Victoria to proclaim Basutoland (modern Lesotho) a protectorate of Britain. Accordingly, the British administration was established in Maseru, the site of Lesotho's current capital. Local chieftains retained power over internal affairs, while Britain was responsible for foreign affairs and the defense of the protectorate.

In 1869, the British sponsored a process to demarcate the borders of Basutoland. While many clans had territory within Basutoland, large numbers of Sesotho speakers resided in areas allocated to the Orange Free State, the sovereign voortrekker republic that bordered the Basotho kingdom. King Moshoeshoe died two years later in 1870, after the end of war, and was buried at the summit of Thaba Bosiu.

20th century

A Mosotho man wearing a modianywe

Britain's protection ensured that repeated attempts by the Orange Free State, and later the Republic of South Africa, to absorb part or all of Basutoland were unsuccessful. In 1966, Basutoland gained its independence from Britain, becoming the Kingdom of Lesotho.

Sesotho is widely spoken throughout the subcontinent due to internal migration. To enter the cash economy, Lesotho men often migrated to large cities in South Africa to find employment in the mining industry. Migrant workers from the Free State and Lesotho thus helped spread Sesotho to the urban areas of South Africa. It is generally agreed that migrant work harmed the family life of most Sesotho speakers because adults (primarily men) were required to leave their families behind in impoverished communities while they were employed in distant cities.

Attempts by the apartheid government to force Sesotho speakers to relocate to designated homelands had little effect on their settlement patterns. Large numbers of workers continued to leave the traditional areas of Black settlement. Women gravitated towards employment as agricultural or domestic workers while men typically found employment in the mining sector.

In terms of religion, the central role that Christian missionaries played in helping Moshoeshoe I secure his kingdom helped to ensure widespread Basotho conversion to Christianity. Today, the bulk of Sesotho speakers practice a form of Christianity that blends elements of traditional Christian dogma with local, pre-Western beliefs. Modimo ("God") is viewed as a supreme being who cannot be approached by mortals. Ancestors are seen as intercessors between Modimo and the living, and their favor must be cultivated through worship and reverence. Officially, the majority of Lesotho's population is Catholic. The Southern Basotho's heartland is the Free State province in South Africa and neighboring Lesotho. Both of these largely rural areas have widespread poverty and underdevelopment. Many Sesotho speakers live in conditions of economic hardship, but people with access to land and steady employment may enjoy a higher standard of living. Landowners often participate in subsistence or small-scale commercial farming ventures. However, overgrazing and land mismanagement are growing problems.

Demographics

The allure of urban areas has not diminished, and internal migration continues today for many black people born in Lesotho and other Basotho heartlands. Generally, employment patterns among the Basotho follow the same patterns as broader South African society. Historical factors cause unemployment among the Basotho and other Black South Africans to remain high.

Basotho on Horses

Percent of Sesotho speakers across South Africa:

Gauteng Province: 13.1%
Atteridgeville: 12.3%
City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality: 9.6%
Soweto: 15.5%
Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality: 10.0%
Katlehong: 22.4%
Sedibeng District Municipality: 46.7%
West Rand District Municipality: 10.8%
Midvaal Local Municipality: 27.9%
Free State Province: 64.2%
Bloemfontein: 33.4%

Language

The Uhadi musical bow or thomo musical bow used by the Sotho people, circa 1897.

The language of the Basotho is referred to as Sesotho, less commonly known as Sesotho sa borwa. Some texts may refer to Sesotho as "Southern Sotho" to differentiate it from Northern Sotho, also called Sepedi.

Sesotho is the first language of 1.5 million people in Lesotho, or 85% of the population. It is one of the two official languages in Lesotho, the other being English.[19] Lesotho enjoys one of Africa's highest literacy rates, with 59% of the adult population being literate, chiefly in Sesotho.

Sesotho is one of the eleven official languages of South Africa.[24] According to the 2011 South African National Census of 2011, almost 4 million people speak Sesotho as their first language, including 62% of Free State inhabitants. Approximately 13.1% of the residents of Gauteng speak Sesotho as their first language. In the North West Province, 5% of the population speaks Sesotho as a first language, with a concentration of speakers in the Maboloka region. Three percent of Mpumalanga's people speak Sesotho as their first language, with many speakers living in the Standerton area. Two percent of the residents of the Eastern Cape speak Sesotho as a first language, though they are located mostly in the northern part of the province.

Aside from Lesotho and South Africa, 60,000 people speak Silozi (a close relative of Sesotho) in Zambia. Additionally, a few Sesotho speakers reside in Botswana, Eswatini and the Caprivi Strip of Namibia. No official statistics on second language usage are available, but one conservative estimate of the number of people who speak Sesotho as a second (or later) language is 5 million.

Sesotho is used in a range of educational settings, both as a subject of study and as a medium of instruction. It is used in its spoken and written forms in all spheres of education, from preschool to doctoral studies. However, the number of technical materials (e.g., in the fields of commerce, information technology, law, science, and math) in the language is still relatively small.

Sesotho has developed a sizable media presence since the end of apartheid. Lesedi FM is a 24-hour Sesotho radio station run by the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), broadcasting solely in Sesotho. There are other regional radio stations throughout Lesotho and the Free State. Half-hour Sesotho news bulletins are broadcast daily on the SABC free-to-air channel SABC 2. Independent TV broadcaster eTV also features a daily half-hour Sesotho bulletin. Both SABC and the eTV group produce a range of programs that feature some Sesotho dialogue.

In Lesotho, the Lesotho National Broadcasting Service broadcasts to South Africa via satellite pay-TV provider, DStv.

Most newspapers in Lesotho are written in Sesotho or both Sesotho and English. There are no fully fledged South African newspapers in Sesotho except for regional newsletters in QwaQwa, Fouriesburg, Ficksburg, and possibly other Free State towns.

Currently, the mainstream South African magazine Bona[29] includes Sesotho content.[26] Since the codification of Sesotho orthography, literary works have been produced in Sesotho. Notable Sesotho-language literature includes Thomas Mofolo's epic Chaka, which has been translated into several languages, including English and German.

Clothing

Basotho in their traditional wear

The Basotho have a unique traditional attire. This includes the mokorotlo, a conical hat with a decorated knob at the top that is worn differently for men and women. The Basotho blanket is often worn over the shoulders or waist and protects the wearer against the cold. Although many Sotho people wear westernized clothing, often traditional garments are worn over them.

Basotho herders

Many Basotho who live in rural areas wear clothing that suits their lifestyles. For instance, boys who herd cattle in the rural Free State and Lesotho wear the Basotho blanket and large rain boots (gumboots) as protection from the wet mountain terrain. Herd boys also often wear woolen balaclavas or caps year-round to protect their faces from cold temperatures and dusty winds.

Basotho women

Basotho women usually wear skirts and long dresses in bright colors and patterns, as well as the traditional blankets around the waist. On special occasions like wedding celebrations, they wear the seshweshwe, a traditional Basotho dress. The local traditional dresses are made using colored cloth and ribbon accents bordering each layer. Sotho women often purchase this material and have it designed in a style similar to West and East African dresses. Women often wrap a long print cloth or a small blanket around their waist, either as a skirt or as a second garment over it. This is commonly known as a wrap, and it can be used to carry infants on their backs.

Special clothing items

Special clothing is worn for special events like initiation rites and traditional healing ceremonies.

For a Lebollo la basadi, or girl's initiation ceremony, girls wear a beaded waist wrap called a thethana that covers the waist, particularly the crotch area and part of the buttocks. They also wear gray blankets and goatskin skirts. These garments are worn by young girls and women, particularly virgins.

For a Lebollo la banna, or a boy's initiation ceremony, boys wear a loincloth called a tshea as well as colorful blankets. These traditional outfits are often combined with more modern items, like sunglasses.

Traditional Sotho healers wear the bandolier, which consists of strips and strings made of leather, sinew, or beads that form a cross on the chest. The bandolier often has pouches of potions attached to it for specific rituals or physical/spiritual protection. It is believed that the San people adopted this bandolier attire for healers during times when the Basotho and the San traded and developed ties through trade, marriage, and friendship. The San people's use of the bandolier can be seen in their rock paintings that date to the 1700s.

Sotho Cultural Clothing
Seana Marena woollen tribal blanket traditionally
Basotho women during Mokhibo

Notable Sotho people

Literature

Thomas Mofolo Lesotho born author

Politics

Queen 'Masenate Mohato Seeiso

Moshoeshoe I, founder of the Basotho nation
Moshoeshoe II, Paramount Chief of Lesotho
Letsie III, King of Lesotho
Queen 'Masenate Mohato Seeiso, Queen Consort of Lesotho
Pakalitha Mosisili former prime minister of Lesotho
Epainette Mbeki anti-apartheid activist and mother of former South African president Thabo Mbeki
Ntsu Mokhehle former prime minister of Lesotho
Leabua Jonathan former prime minister of Lesotho
Mosiuoa Lekota South African anti-apartheid activist
Hlaudi Motsoeneng South African radio personality, broadcast executive, and politician
Limpho Hani Lesotho born activist and wife of Chris Hani
Phumulo Masualle South African politician and former premier of Eastern Cape province
Tsietsi Mashinini South African student activist, known for leading the 1976 Soweto Uprising against Afrikaans education
Angie Motshekga South African politician
Lechesa Tsenoli South African politician and former deputy Speaker of National Assembly

Business

Phuti Mahanyele, business executive; CEO of Naspers
Kaizer Motaung, business person; chairman of Kaizer Chiefs
David Tlale, business person and prominent fashion designer
Sam Motsuenyane Entrepreneur and founding chairman of African Bank
James Motlatsi former trade unionist and businessman

Entertainment

Nana Coyote, Lesotho born singer
Joshua Pulumo Mohapeloa, music composer
Lira, South African singer
Yvonne Chaka Chaka, South African singer
Michael Mosoeu Moerane, choral music composer
Mpho Koaho is a Canadian-born actor of Sotho ancestry
Terry Pheto, South African actress
Sankomota, Lesotho jazz band
Fana Mokoena, South African actor
Prince Kaybee, South African disc jockey
Kabelo Mabalane, South African musician and one third of the Kwaito group Tkzee
Tsepo Tshola, former lead singer of Sankomota jazz band, gospel artist
Jerry Mofokeng South African actor
David Kau South African comedian
Faith Nketsi South African model and media personality
Natasha Thahane South African actress
Maglera Doe Boy South African rapper

Sports

Khotso Mokoena athlete (Long jump)
Steve Lekoelea South African football player for Orlando Pirates
Aaron Mokoena former football player for Jomo Cosmos, Blackburn Rovers, and Portsmouth FC
Thabo Mooki South African football player who played for Kaizer Chiefs and Bafana Bafana
Abia Nale former football player for Kaizer Chiefs
Teboho Mokoena South African football player
Lehlohonolo Seema Lesotho born footballer and coach
Kamohelo Mokotjo South African football player
Relebohile Mofokeng South African football player
Lebohang Maboe South African football player for Mamelodi Sundowns

Venda

The Venda tribe, located in the northern part of South Africa, has a rich cultural heritage that dates back centuries. Their traditional homesteads, known as “tshikwama,” are an architectural marvel. The Venda people are known for their pottery, wood carving, and intricate beadwork, which are highly regarded forms of artistic expression.

Expert Perspective: Art historian, Dr. Phumla Maluleke, explains, “The Venda people have a unique artistic style that is deeply connected to their spiritual beliefs. Their art serves as a means of communication with the spiritual realm.”

The Venḓa (VhaVenḓa or Vhangona) are a Bantu people native to Southern Africa living mostly near the South African-Zimbabwean border. The Venda language arose from interactions with Sotho-Tswana and Kalanga groups from 1400.

The Venda are closely associated with the 13th century Kingdom of Mapungubwe where oral tradition holds King Shiriyadenga as the first king of Venda and Mapungubwe. The Mapungubwe Kingdom stretched from the Soutpansberg in the south, across the Limpopo River to the Matopos in the north. The Kingdom rapidly declined around 1300 due to climatic change and the population scattered, as power moved north to the Great Zimbabwe Kingdom. The first Venda settlement in the Soutpansberg was that of the legendary chief Thoho-ya-Ndou (Head of the Elephant). His royal kraal was called D’zata; its remains have been declared a National Monument. The Mapungubwe Collection is a museum collection of artefacts found at the archaeological site and is housed in the Mapungubwe Museum in Pretoria. Venda people share ancestry with Lobedu people and Kalanga people. They are also related to Sotho-Tswana peoples and Shona groups.

History

The Venda of today are Vhangona, Takalani (Ungani), Masingo and others. Vhangona are the original inhabitants of Venda, they are also referred as Vhongwani wapo; while Masingo and others are originally from central Africa and the East African Rift, migrating across the Limpopo river during the Bantu expansion, Venda people originated from central and east Africa, just like the other South African tribes.

Clans

The Venda of today are descendants of many heterogeneous groupings and clans such as:

Dzindou dza Hakhomunala Mutangwe /
Dzatshamanyatsha
Dzindou Dza Manenzhe
Vhafamadi;
Vhadau vhatshiheni
Vhadau Madamani
Rambuda;
Vha Ha-Ramavhulela (Vhubvo Dzimauli)
Vhakwevho;
Vha Ha-Maďavha (Great Warthogs of Luonde
who immigrated from Zimbabwe)
Vhambedzi;
Vhania;
Vhagoni;
Vhalea;
Gebebe;
Ndou;

Maďou;
Vhasekwa;
Vhaluvhu;
Vhatavhatsindi;
Vhalovhedzi
VhaMese
Vha Ha-Nemutudi
Vhatwanamba;
Vhanzhelele/Vhalembethu;
VhaDzanani
Vhanyai;
Vhalaudzi;
Masingo; and Rambau
Runganani (marungadzi nndevhelaho)
Ragwala (Vhathu vha thavhani)
Takalani(Ungani)

Vhadau, Vhakwevho, Vhafamadi, Vhania, Vhalea, and Vhaluvhu were collectively known as Vhangona. The Vhangona and Vhambedzi are considered to be the original inhabitants of Venda and the first people to live there.

The land of Vhangona was later settled by Karanga-Rodzvi clans from Zimbabwe: Vhatwanamba, Vhanyai, Vhatavhatsindi, and Vhalembethu. Masingo and Vhalaudzi are late arrivals in Venda.

Duration: 10 seconds.0:10

Venda woman singing about a successful trip to collect stinkbugs.

Mapungubwe

Mapungubwe was the center of a kingdom with about 5,000 people living at its center. Mapungubwe as a trade center lasted between 1220 and 1300 AD. The people of Mapungubwe mined and smelted copper, iron and gold, spun cotton, made glass and ceramics, grew millet and sorghum, and tended cattle, goats and sheep.

The people of Mapungubwe had a sophisticated knowledge of the stars, and astronomy played a major role not only in their tradition and culture, but also in their day-to-day lives.

Mapungubwe predates the settlements at Great Zimbabwe, Thulamela and Dzata.

Venda Royal House

The Venda were recognised as a traditional royal house in 2010 and Toni Mphephu Ramabulana was the acting king from 2012-2019. In September 2016 Princess Masindi Mphephu, daughter of Tshimangadzi Mphephu (Venda Chief during 1993–1997), challenged her uncle Ramabulana for the throne. She claimed that she wasn't considered a candidate because of her sex.

On 14 December 2016 she initially lost this battle in court when the Thohoyandou High Court dismissed the case. In May 2019, however, the Supreme Court of Appeal overturned the Thohoyandou High Court decision and declared that Toni Mphephu-Ramabulana's appointment as king of the Venda nation was deemed ''unlawful''. Ramubulana has since appealed this ruling, and as of July 2020 the matter was before the Constitutional Court of South Africa.[ The Vhavenda people have since started

Notable Venda people

Venda homes.

The following is a list of notable Venda people who have their own Wikipedia articles.

Benedict Daswa, South African school teacher beatified by the Roman Catholic Church
Mulalo Doyoyo, South African engineer, inventor, and professor

Thomas Gumbu, South African politician

Mmbara Hulisani Kevin, South African politician

Mavhungu Lerule-Ramakhanya, South African politician

Ma-Mp

Noria Mabasa, Venda artist who works in ceramic and wood sculpture
E. S. Madima, South African writer
Tenda Madima, South African writer
Joe Mafela, South African actor, film director and singer
Makhado, 19th century King of the Venda people
Milicent Makhado, South African actress
Rudzani Maphwanya, South African Army officer
Tshilidzi Marwala, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Johannesburg, South African engineer and computer scientist
Florence Masebe, South African actress
Michael Masutha, South African politician
Rendani Masutha, South African naval officer and former military judge
Shaun Maswanganyi, South African athlete
Mark Mathabane, South African tennis player and author of Kaffir Boy
Eric Mathoho, South African footballer
Kembo Mohadi, Vice President of Zimbabwe.
Patrick Mphephu, first president of the bantustan of Venda

Daniel Mudau, South African footballer
Khuliso Mudau, South African footballer
Sydney Mufamadi, South African politician
Fulu Mugovhani, South African actress
Mukhethwa Mukhadi, South African singer, rapper, producer and director
Elaine Mukheli, South African singer and songwriter
Colbert Mukwevho, South African reggae singer
Gumani Mukwevho, South African politician
Collen Mulaudzi, South African long-distance runner
Mbulaeni Mulaudzi, South African middle-distance runner
Rhoda Mulaudzi, South African footballer
Rotshidzwa Muleka, South African footballer
Luvhengo Mungomeni, South African footballer
Clarence Munyai, South African sprinter
Marks Munyai, South African footballer
Tshifhiwa Munyai, South African boxer
Azwinndini Muronga, South African physicist
Shudufhadzo Musida, Miss South Africa 2020 winner
Faith Muthambi, South African politician

Phathutshedzo Nange, South African footballer
Phillip Ndou, South African boxer
Lovemore Ndou, South African boxer
Prince Neluonde, South African lawn bowler
Fulufhelo Nelwamondo, South African engineer and computer scientist
Tshilidzi Nephawe, South African basketball player
Joel Netshitenzhe, South African politician
Khumbudzo Ntshavheni, South African politician

George Phadagi, South African politician
Fred Phaswana, South African businessman

Kagiso Rabada, South African cricketer
Vhambelani Ramabulana, South African politician
Rodney Ramagalela, South African footballer
Cyril Ramaphosa, 5th President of the Republic of South Africa
Richard Ramudzuli, South African Events Organizer
Gabriel Ramushwana, former head of state of the bantustan of Venda
Phophi Ramathuba, South African politician and medical doctor
Rudzani Ramudzuli, South African footballer
Khume Ramulifho, South African politician
Ndivhudzannyi Ralivhona, South African musician
Rasta Rasivhenge, South African rugby union referee
Frank Ravele, second president of the bantustan of Venda
Riky Rick, South African rapper, songwriter and actor

Gabriel Temudzani, South African actor
Dan Tshanda, South African musician
Mashudu Tshifularo, South African educator and medical specialist
Jacob Tshisevhe, South African footballer
Mpho Tshivhase, South African philosopher

Ernst Oswald Johannes Westphal, Professor of African Languages, b. Khalavha 1919

Musangwe

Musangwe is a Venda tradition of bare-knuckle fist fighting. Musangwe is a sport which was developed not only for entertainment but also for gaining respect among your peers. Vhavenda never allowed violence and fighting, but with this sport you could challenge a person you deemed disrespectful towards you, and the rule is if you are challenged to fight you are to fight or there will be consequences such as a fine or even been beaten up by the elders. The winners of this sport were often compensated with whatever the Khosi (chief) or Vhamusanda (headman) deemed right. The fights have no set time limit and only end when one fighter concedes defeat. No medical staff are on standby to help those injured in the flurry of blows that boxers trade, only village elders watching to guard against indiscretions such as biting or kicking. Importantly, gambling on the outcome of the fights is banned and the winners take nothing away other than a sense of pride in representing their village or family.

ZULU PEOPLE

The Zulu Tribe Of Southern Africa

The Zulu tribe is unequivocally one of the most famous tribes in Africa—for a number of good reasons. First, we have the Shakaland, which is acknowledged worldwide as the birthplace of the Legendary chief, Shaka Zulu.

Secondly, Zulu is also acknowledged for being the largest ethnic group in South Africa; with an estimated population of 11 million people.

Zulu people (/ˈzuːluː/; Zulu: amaZulu) are a native people of Southern Africa of the Nguni. The Zulu people are the largest ethnic group and nation in South Africa, living mainly in the province of KwaZulu-Natal.

They originated from Nguni communities who took part in the Bantu migrations over millennia. As the clans integrated, the rulership of Shaka brought success to the Zulu nation due to his improved military tactics and organization.[citation needed]

Zulus take pride in their ceremonies such as the Umhlanga, or Reed Dance, and their various forms of beadwork.

The art and skill of beadwork take part in the identification of Zulu people and act as a form of communication and dedication to the nation and specific traditions. Today, the Zulu people are predominantly Christian, but have created a syncretic religion that is combined with the Zulu's prior belief systems.

History of the people of Zulu

Origins

The Zulu were originally a minor clan in what is today Northern KwaZulu-Natal, founded c. 1574 by Zulu kaMalandela. In the Nguni languages, iZulu means heaven or weather. At that time, the area was occupied by many large Nguni communities and clans (also called the isizwe people or nation, or called isibongo, referring to their clan or family name). Nguni communities had migrated down Africa's east coast over millennia, as part of the Bantu migrations. As the nation began to develop, the rulership of Shaka brought the clans together to build a cohesive identity for the Zulu.

Strength of the Zulu nation

Utimuni, nephew of King Shaka, strikes a warrior's pose

The Zulu nation's growth and strength were based on its military organization and skills during Shaka's reign and those of his successors. The military was organized around the ukubuthwa ("to be enrolled") system, which did away with initiation ceremonies for the most part. Each age set, or group of young men of the same age, was assigned to the same regiment (ibutho, singular; amabutho, plural), according to the system. Girls were also subject to ukubuthwa, but they were usually assigned to an age group rather than to a regiment. The amabutho were housed in military barracks (singular, ikhanda; plural, amakhanda) located throughout the kingdom and under the command of a close relative to (or someone else appointed by) the king.

The barracks were designed and laid out similarly to an umuzi, but on a much larger scale. Aside from military duties, the izinsizwa ("young men") were also responsible for the repair and maintenance of their barracks

Kingdom

Main article: Zulu Kingdom

King Shaka

The Zulu formed a powerful state in 1816 under the leader Shaka. Shaka, as the Zulu commander of the Mthethwa Empire and successor to Dingiswayo, united what was once a confederation of lordships into an imposing empire under Zulu hegemony. Shaka built a militarized system known as Impi featuring conscription, a standing army, new weaponry, regimentation, and encirclement battle tactics. Zulu expansion was a major factor of the Mfecane ("Crushing") that depopulated large areas of southern Africa It was during this period when Shaka deployed an army regiment for raiding nations in the North. The regiment which was under Mzilikazi disobeyed Shaka and crafted a plan to continue raiding up-North forming another dialect of Zulu language referred to as Northern Ndebele (now in Zimbabwe). Another group under Zwangendaba who was Shakas relative from the Gumbi Clan from Pongola and military commander trekked northwards crossing the Zambezi River at Chirundu in 1835 into Zambia setting up the Ngoni nation that extended to Malawi, Mozambique and Southern Tanzania.

Conflict with the British

Main article: Anglo-Zulu War

In mid-December 1878, envoys of the British crown delivered an ultimatum to 11 chiefs representing the then-current king of the Zulu empire, Cetshwayo. Under the British terms delivered to the Zulu, Cetshwayo would have been required to disband his army and accept British sovereignty. Cetshwayo refused, and war between the Zulus and African contingents of the British crown began on January 12, 1879. Despite an early victory for the Zulus at the Battle of Isandlwana on 22 January, the British fought back and won the Battle at Rorke's Drift, and decisively defeated the Zulu army by July at the Battle of Ulundi.[citation needed]

Absorption into Natal

Zulu warriors in the late nineteenth century, with Europeans in the background

After Cetshwayo's capture a month following his defeat, the British divided the Zulu Empire into 13 "kinglets". The sub-kingdoms fought amongst each other until 1883 when Cetshwayo was reinstated as king over Zululand. This still did not stop the fighting and the Zulu monarch was forced to flee his realm by Zibhebhu, one of the 13 kinglets, supported by Boer mercenaries. Cetshwayo died of a heart attack in February 1884, leaving his son, the 15-year-old Dinuzulu, to inherit the throne. In-fighting between the Zulu continued for years until in 1897 Zululand was absorbed fully into the British colony of Natal

Apartheid years

KwaZulu homeland

Main article: KwaZulu

Zulu man performing traditional warrior dance

Under apartheid, the homeland of KwaZulu (Kwa meaning place of) was created for the Zulu people. In 1970, the Bantu Homeland Citizenship Act provided that all Zulus would become citizens of KwaZulu, losing their South African citizenship. KwaZulu consisted of many disconnected pieces of land, in what is now KwaZulu-Natal. Hundreds of thousands of Zulu people living on privately owned "black spots" outside of KwaZulu were dispossessed and forcibly moved to bantustans – worse land previously reserved for whites contiguous to existing areas of KwaZulu. By 1993, approximately 5.2 million Zulu people lived in KwaZulu, and approximately 2 million lived in the rest of South Africa. The Chief Minister of KwaZulu, from its creation in 1970 (as Zululand) was Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi. In 1994, KwaZulu was joined with the province of Natal, to form the modern KwaZulu-Natal.

Inkatha YeSizwe

Main article: Inkatha Freedom Party

Inkatha YeSizwe means "the crown of the nation". In 1975, Buthelezi revived the Inkatha YaKwaZulu, the predecessor of the Inkatha Freedom Party. This organisation was nominally a protest movement against Apartheid but held more conservative views than the ANC. For example, Inkatha was opposed to the armed struggle, and sanctions against South Africa. Inkatha was initially on good terms with the ANC, but the two organisations came into increasing conflict beginning in 1976 in the aftermath of the Soweto Uprising.

Language

Map of South Africa showing the primary Zulu language speech area in shades of darker green

Main article: Zulu language

The language of the Zulu people is "isiZulu", a Bantu language; more specifically, part of the Nguni subgroup. Zulu is the most widely spoken language in South Africa, where it is an official language. More than half of the South African population can understand it, with over 13.78 million first-language and over 15 million second-language speakers. Many Zulu people also speak Xitsonga, Sesotho and others from among South Africa's 12 official languages.

Ceremony

Zulu people gather at Reed Dance ceremony.

Umhlanga

The Zulu people celebrate an annual event that was established in 1984 called the Umhlanga or Reed Dance. This event takes place at the royal capital near Nongoma. This traditional ceremony is performed by young women from all parts of the kingdom to perform in front of the monarch and his guests. The purpose of this event is to promote pride in virginity and to restrain sexual relationships. Beadwork is a prominent attire that is worn at the Umhlanga. The beadwork is not only worn by the dancers but by the guests as well. The Umhlanga is not purely for a time of dance. The King also uses this time to speak to the young men and women of the nation. The King discusses current political issues.

Married Zulu women wearing headdresses at annual Reed Dance ceremony.

Beadwork

History of beadwork

The creation of beadwork dates back to the times of war for the Zulu people. This particular form of beadwork was known as iziqu, medallions of war. Often worn as a necklace, the beads were displayed in a criss-cross formation across the shoulders. This assemblage of beads by the warriors represented a symbol of bravery Before the use of glass was apparent to the Zulu, beadwork was derived from wood, seeds and berries. It was not until the arrival of Europeans that glass became a trade material with the Portuguese, which soon became abundantly available to the Zulu.

Purpose of beadwork

Beadwork is a form of communication for the Zulu people. Typically when one is wearing multiple beads, it is a sign of wealth. The more beads one is wearing, the wealthier they are perceived.The beads have te potential to convey information about a person's age, gender and marital status. The design of the beads often conveys a particular message. However, one must know the context of their use to read the message correctly.[9] Depending on the area in which the beadwork was made, some designs can depict different messages compared to other areas. A message could be embedded into the colours and structure of the beads or could be strictly for decorative purposes.[9] Beadwork can be worn in everyday use but is often worn during important occasions such as weddings, or ceremonies. For example, beadwork is featured during the coming of age for a young girl or worn during dances. The beaded elements complement the costumes worn by the Zulu people to bring out a sense of finery or prestige.

Appared

Zulu beadwork necklace

Beadwork is worn by all men, women, and children at any age. Depending on which stage of life an individual is in, the beadwork indicates different meanings. Beadwork is predominantly worn when young Zulu people are courting or in search of love affairs.[9] The wearing of decorative beadwork can act as an attempt to grab the attention of someone of the opposite sex.[9] Also, the gifting of beadwork is a way of communicating interest with lovers. During the transition from single to married women, beadwork is shown through a beaded cloth apron worn over a pleated leather skirt. As for older or mature women, beadwork is displayed in detailed headdresses and cowhide skirts that extend past the knee. These long skirts are also seen on unmarried women and young marriageable-age girls.[9] Men are more conservative when wearing beadwork However, when a young boy is seen wearing multiple necklaces, it is a sign that he is highly interested in these gifts from various girls. The more gifts he wears, the higher the prestige he obtains.

Zulu beadwork necklace.

Colours of beads

Various forms of beadwork are found in different colour schemes. Typically, there are four different types of colour schemes:

Isisshunka – white, light blue, dark green, pale yellow, pink, red, black. This colour scheme is believed to have no specific meaning.[9]
Isithembu – light blue, grass green, bright yellow, red, black. This colour scheme derives from clans or clan areas.
Umzansi – white, dark blue, grass green, red. This colour scheme also derives from clans or clan areas.
Isinyolovane – a combination of any colours not consistent with other colour schemes. This colour scheme is often related to connotations of perfection and charm.

The colours of beads might hold different meanings based on the area that they originated from. It is often that this can lead to misrepresentation or confusion when attempting to understand what the beadwork is communicating. One cannot assume that the colour system is standard across South Africa. In some areas, the colour green symbolises jealousy in a certain area, but in other areas it symbolises grass.[10] One must know the origin of the beadwork to interpret the message correctly.

Clothing

Societal roles

Men

The Zulu people govern under a patriarchal society. Men are perceived as the head of the household and seen as authoritative figures. Zulu men identify themselves with great pride and dignity. They also compare themselves to qualities of powerful wild animals such as bulls, lions and elephants.[10] The men contribute to society by acting as defenders, hunters, and lovers, The Zulu men are also in charge of herding the cattle, educating themselves on the lives of disciplined warriors, creating weapons, and learning the art of stick fighting.[10]

Stick fighting

The art of stick fighting is a celebration of manhood for Zulu men. These men can begin to learn this fighting art form as young as the age of five years old. There are multiple reasons why men learn how to stick fight. For example, men may want to learn so that they can set right any wrongs or insults made towards them. Other reasons some men choose to learn are for sporting purposes, proving skills or manliness, and self-defence. The goal of stick fighting is to injure the opponent and sometimes even kill. There are rules of etiquette that must be abided by when stick fighting. The men can only fight a man the same age as them. One cannot hit the opponent when they lose their stick. Only sticks are allowed when fighting.

Women

The women in Zulu society often perform domestic chores such as cleaning, raising children, collecting water and firewood, laundry, tending to crops, cooking, and making clothes.[10] Women can be considered as the sole income earners of the household. A woman's stages of life lead up to the goal of marriage. As a woman approaches puberty, she is known as a tshitshi. A tshitshi reveals her singleness by wearing less clothing. Single women typically do not wear clothing to cover their head, breasts, legs and shoulders. Engaged women wear hairnets to show their marital status to society and married women cover themselves in clothing and headdresses Also, women are taught to defer to men and treat them with great respect. The women are always bound by a male figure.

Religion and beliefs

Main articles: Zulu traditional religion and Zulu Christianity

Zulu worshippers at a United African Apostolic Church, near Oribi Gorge

Most Zulu people state their beliefs to be Christian. Some of the most common churches to which they belong are African Initiated Churches, especially the Zion Christian Church, Nazareth Baptist Church and United African Apostolic Church, although membership of major European Churches, such as the Dutch Reformed, Anglican and Catholic Churches are also common. Nevertheless, many Zulus retain their traditional pre-Christian belief system of ancestor worship in parallel with their Christianity.

Traditional Zulu religion includes belief in a creator God (uNkulunkulu) who is above interacting in day-to-day human life, although this belief appears to have originated from efforts by early Christian missionaries to frame the idea of the Christian God in Zulu terms.[14] Traditionally, the more strongly held Zulu belief was in ancestor spirits (amaThongo or amaDlozi), who had the power to intervene in people's lives, for good or ill. This belief continues to be widespread among the modern Zulu population.

Traditionally, the Zulu recognize several elements to be present in a human being: the physical body (inyama yomzimba or umzimba); the breath or life force (umoya womphefumulo or umoya); and the "shadow" prestige or personality (isithunzi). Once the umoya leaves the body, the isithunzi may live on as an ancestral spirit (idlozi) only if certain conditions were met in life. Behaving with ubuntu, or showing respect and generosity towards others, enhances one's moral standing or prestige in the community, one's isithunzi. By contrast, acting in a negative way towards others can reduce the isithunzi, and the isithunzi can fade away completel

Zulu sangomas (diviners)

To appeal to the spirit world, a diviner (sangoma) must invoke the ancestors through divination processes to determine the problem. Then, a herbalist (inyanga) prepares a mixture (muthi) to be consumed to influence the ancestors. As such, diviners and herbalists play an important part in the daily lives of the Zulu people. However, a distinction is made between white muthi (umuthi omhlope), which has positive effects, such as healing or the prevention or reversal of misfortune, and black muthi (umuthi omnyama), which can bring illness or death to others, or ill-gotten wealth to the user.[16] Users of black muthi are considered witches, and shunned by society.

Christianity had difficulty gaining a foothold among the Zulu people, and when it did it was in a syncretic fashion. Isaiah Shembe, considered the Zulu Messiah, presented a form of Christianity (the Nazareth Baptist Church) which incorporated traditional customs.

Furthermore, the Zulu people also practice a ceremony called Ukweshwama. The killing of the bull is part of Ukweshwama, an annual ceremony that celebrates a new harvest. It is a day of prayer when Zulus thank their creator and their ancestors. By tradition, a new regiment of young warriors is asked to confront a bull to prove its courage, inheriting the beast's strength as it expires. It is believed this power was then transferred to the Zulu king.

Bride wealth

Main article: Lobolo

Zulu people have a system called ilobolo. This term is particularly used by Zulu people when it comes to bride wealth. Every African ethnic group has different requirements when it comes to bride wealth. In pre-capitalist Zulu society, ilobolo was inextricably linked to the ownership of cattle. During that time, there was not a fixed number of cattle required for the wedding to happen; it could be paid before the marriage or during the marriage. The groom takes the cattle from his father's herd to perpetuate the family heritage. Nonetheless, this ritual changed during colonisation because in 1869, Theophilus Shepstone, then Natal Secretary for Native Affairs, formalized the ilobolo payment to 10 cattle for commoners (plus the ingquthu cow for the mother), 15 for hereditary chief siblings and 20-plus for the daughters of a chief. They found it too lenient to let the groom give whatever amount he wanted, so they decided to establish a specific number of cattle that would be needed before or at the start of the marriage. This has been accepted by Zulu men who were educated in mission schools, but according to more ritual people this became “untraditional”. Additionally, with the instauration of the Natal Code, some Zulu men decided to settle another way in which they could decrease the ilobo: offer a token payment or bring a present for the father of the prospective bride to decrease the ilobolo amount to be paid. The payment of ilobolo can be difficult for some families, but as it is often considered a symbol of pride and respect, many are willing to maintain this tradition as long as possible.

XHOSA PEOPLE

Xhosa

The Xhosa tribe, with over 8 million people, is another significant tribe in South Africa. They are famous for their unique click language and their role in the struggle against apartheid. The Xhosa people have a deep connection to the land and are known for their intricate beadwork and traditional ceremonies such as the coming-of-age ritual, Ulwaluko.

Relevant Data: Xhosa historian, Prof. Thandiwe Moeti, states, “The Xhosa culture is deeply rooted in storytelling and oral traditions. This has been a powerful tool for preserving our heritage and passing down wisdom from generation to generation.”

he Xhosa people(/ˈkɔːsə/ KAW-sə, /ˈkoʊsə/ KOH-sə; Xhosa pronunciation: [kǁʰɔ́ːsa] ⓘ) are a Bantu ethnic group and nation native to South Africa. They are the second largest ethnic group in South Africa and are native speakers of the isiXhosa language.

The Xhosa people are descendants of Nguni clans who settled in the Southeastern part in Southern Africa. Archaeological evidence suggests that the Xhosa people have inhabited the Eastern Cape region from as early as the 14th-century AD. Their language, IsiXhosa is over a thousand-year old.

Presently, over ten million Xhosa-speaking people are distributed across Southern Africa, although their traditional homeland is primarily the Cape Province . In 1994 the self-governing countries of Transkei and Ciskei were incorporated into South Africa, becoming the Eastern Cape province.

As of 2003, the majority of Xhosa speakers, approximately 5.3 million, lived in the Eastern Cape, followed by the Western Cape (approximately 1 million), Gauteng (971,045), the Free State (546,192), KwaZulu-Natal (219,826), North West (214,461), Mpumalanga (46,553), the Northern Cape (51,228), and Limpopo (14,225).

There is a small but significant Xhosa-speaking (Mfengu) community in Zimbabwe, and their language, isiXhosa, is recognised as an official national language. This community was brought by Cecil John Rhodes for cheap labour in Rhodesian mines in early 20th century.[clarification needed]

History

Xhosa village in Eastern Cape.

Some archaeological evidence has been discovered that suggests that Xhosa-speaking people have lived in the Eastern Cape area since at least the 7th century. The modern Xhosa are Nguni people, a stock of Bantu

Origins

An illustration of a group of Xhosa people by Thomas Baines (illustrated in 1848).

The Xhosa people are descendants of the ancestors of Ngunis. Xhosa oral history also mentions a historical settlement called 'Eluhlangeni' believed to have been in East Africa in which the Ngunis lived in for some time before continuing with their migration.

Upon crossing mountains and rivers in South Africa, these farm-working agro-pastoralists brought their cattle and goats with them and absorbed the weaker San groups in the region. They also brought weapons, notably their assegais and their shields and would form groups or chiefdoms and kingdoms mainly in what is now the Eastern Cape.

Xhosa shield

Kingdom

Xhosa spearman

According to oral tradition, the modern Xhosa Kingdom was founded somewhere before the 15th century by Tshawe (whom the royal clan of the Xhosas is named after) who overthrew his brother Cirha (assisted by his brother Jwarha) with the help of the amaNgwevu clan of the amaMpondomise Kingdom. Tshawe and his army then incorporated formerly independent Nguni clans into the Xhosa Kingdom. Khoekhoe tribes were incorporated, including the Inqua, the Giqwa, and the amaNgqosini (both Khoi and Sotho origin).

Formerly independent clans (many of Khoekhoe origin) and chiefdoms in the region became tributary to the amaTshawe and spoke isiXhosa as their primary language.

The Xhosa polity achieved political ascendancy over most of the Cape Khoe extending to the very fringes of the Cape Peninsula.[8]

With the settlement of the Cape by Europeans in 1652, the native populations were gradually pushed eastwards until, in the 1700s, the borders of the Cape Colony had pushed populations far enough east (with relations between colonist and native significantly broken down) to create a critical mass of hostile population to resist the colonists in the Eastern Cape. This sparked off the Cape frontier wars, which represent some of the longest military resistance to colonialism.

The historical end result would be the containment of large portions of the Cape native population into native reserves in the Easternmost part of the Cape. However, these populations would also continually serve as labour inside the Cape Colony. These native reserves would be re-branded "homelands" in the 20th century and would only be fully dismantled in 1994, with populations moving back into the wider Cape.

Skirmish during the Xhosa Wars

In the 19th century, the Xhosas fought and repulsed many tribes that were escaping the Zulus in the Colony of Natal, this was during the historical mfecane. Those who were accepted were assimilated into the Xhosa cultural way of life and followed Xhosa traditions.[citation needed] The Xhosas called these various tribes AmaMfengu, meaning wanderers, and were made up of clans such as the amaBhaca, amaBhele, amaHlubi, amaZizi and Rhadebe. To this day, the descendants of the amaMfengu are part of the Xhosa people and they speak isiXhosa and practice the Xhosa culture.[citation needed]

Xhosa unity and ability to fight off colonial encroachment was to be weakened by the famines and political divisions that followed the cattle-killing movement of 1856–1858. Historians now view this movement as a millennialist response, both directly to a lung disease spreading among Xhosa cattle at the time, and less directly to the stress to Xhosa society caused by the continuing loss of their territory and autonomy.

Some historians argue that this early absorption into the wage economy is the ultimate origin of the long history of trade union membership and political leadership among Xhosa people.[citation needed] That history manifests itself today in high degrees of Xhosa representation in the leadership of the African National Congress (ANC), South Africa's ruling political party in the government.

Language

Main article: Xhosa language

Map of South Africa showing the primary Xhosa language speech area in green

Xhosa is an agglutinative tonal language categorized under Bantu linguistic classification. While the Xhosas call their language "isiXhosa", it is usually referred to as "Xhosa" in English. Written Xhosa uses a Latin alphabet–based system. Xhosa is spoken by about 18% of the South African population, and has some mutual intelligibility with Zulu, especially Zulu spoken in urban areas. Many Xhosa speakers, particularly those living in urban areas, also speak Zulu and/or Afrikaans and/or English.

Rites of passage

Further information: Xhosa clan names

The Xhosa are a South African cultural group who emphasise traditional practices and customs inherited from their forefathers. Each person within the Xhosa culture has their place which is recognised by the entire community. Starting from birth, a Xhosa person goes through graduation stages which recognise their growth and assign them a recognised place in the community. Each stage is marked by a specific ritual aimed at introducing the individual to their counterparts and also to their ancestors. Starting from imbeleko, a ritual performed to introduce a new born to the ancestors, to umphumo (the homecoming), from inkwenkwe (a boy) to indoda (a man). These rituals and ceremonies are sacrosanct to the identity and heritage of the Xhosa and other African descendants. Though some western scholars question the relevance of these practices today, even urbanised Xhosa people do still follow them. The ulwaluko and intonjane are also traditions which separated this tribe from the rest of the Nguni tribes. These are performed to mark the transition from child to adulthood. Zulus once performed the ritual but King Shaka stopped it because of war in the 1810s. In 2009, it was reintroduced by King Goodwill Zwelithini Zulu, not as a custom, but as a medical procedure to curb HIV infections.

All these rituals are symbolic of one's development. Before each is performed, the individual spends time with community elders to prepare for the next stage. The elders' teachings are not written, but transmitted from generation to generation by oral tradition. The iziduko (clan) for instance—which matters most to the Xhosa identity (even more than names and surnames) are transferred from one to the other through oral tradition. Knowing your isiduko is vital to the Xhosas and it is considered a shame and uburhanuka (lack-of-identity) if one doesn't know one's clan. This is considered so important that when two strangers meet for the first time, the first identity that gets shared is isiduko. It is so important that two people with the same surname but different clan names are considered total strangers, but two people from the same clan but with different surnames are regarded as close relatives. This forms the roots of ubuntu (human kindness) – a behaviour synonymous to this tribe as extending a helping hand to a complete stranger when in need. Ubuntu goes further than just helping one another – it is so deep that it even extends to looking after and reprimanding your neighbour's child when in the wrong. Hence the saying "it takes a village to raise a child".

One traditional ritual that is still regularly practiced is the manhood ritual, a secret rite that marks the transition from boyhood to manhood, ulwaluko. After ritual circumcision, the initiates (abakwetha) live in isolation for up to several weeks, often in the mountains. During the process of healing they smear white clay on their bodies and observe numerous customs.

In modern times the practice has caused controversy, with over 825 circumcision- and initiation-related deaths since 1994, and the spread of sexually transmitted infections, including HIV, via the practice of circumcising initiates with the same blade. In March 2007, a controversial mini-series dealing with Xhosa circumcision and initiation rites debuted on South African Broadcasting Corporation. Titled Umthunzi Wentaba, the series was taken off the air after complaints by traditional leaders that the rites are secret and not to be revealed to non-initiates and women. In January 2014 the website ulwaluko.co.za was released by a Dutch medical doctor. It features a gallery of photographs of injured penises, which sparked outrage amongst traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. The South African Film and Publication Board ruled that the website was "scientific with great educative value", addressing a "societal problem needing urgent intervention".

Girls are also initiated into womanhood (Intonjane). They too are secluded, though for a shorter period. Female initiates are not circumcised.

Other rites include the seclusion of mothers for ten days after giving birth, and the burial of the afterbirth and umbilical cord near the village. This is reflected in the traditional greeting Inkaba yakho iphi?, literally "where is your navel?" The answer "tells someone where you live, what your clan affiliation is, and what your social status is and contains a wealth of undisclosed cultural information. Most importantly, it determines where you belong".

Rituals surrounding umtshato (Xhosa marriage)

Xhosa marriage, umtshato, is one that is filled with a number of customs and rituals which relate to the upkeep of Xhosa traditional practices. These rituals have been practiced for decades by the Xhosa people and have been incorporated into modern day Xhosa marriages as well. The purpose of the practices is to bring together two different families and to give guidance to the newly wed couple throughout.

Ukuthwalwa

To start off the procedures the male intending to marry goes through Ukuthwalwa which entails him choosing his future bride and making his intentions of marriage known, however this practice was not done by all the tribes within the Xhosa people. In modern day, the man and woman would most likely have been in courtship or a relationship prior to Ukuthwalwa. Decades before Ukuthwalwa would entail legal bridal abduction, where the man could choose a woman of his liking to be his bride and go into negotiations with the family of the bride without her knowledge or consent. She would have to abide to the marriage as per tradition.

Isiduko

Following Ukuthwala, the man will then be in discussion with his parents or relatives to inform them of his choice in bride. During this discussion the clan name, isiduko, of the woman would be revealed and researched. If it were found that the woman and the man share the same clan name they would not be allowed to proceed with the marriage as it is said that people with the same clan name are of the same relation and cannot be wed.

Once discussions with the family are complete and satisfactory information about the woman is acquired then the family of the man will proceed to appoint marriage negotiators. It is these very negotiators that will travel to the family of the woman to make known the man and his intentions. Once the negotiators reach the family of the woman they will be kept in the kraal, inkundla, of the woman's family. If the family does not possess a kraal they will simply be kept outside the household as they will not be allowed to enter the household without the acknowledgment and acceptance of the woman's family. It is here where the lobola (dowry) negotiations will begin. The family of the woman will give them a bride-price and a date for which they must return to pay that price. The bride-price is dependent on numerous things such as her level of education, the wealth status of her family in comparison to that of the man's family, what the man stands to gain in the marriage and the overall desirability of the woman. The payment of the bride-price could be in either cattle or money depending on the family of the woman. The modern Xhosa families would rather prefer money as most are situated in the urban cities where there would be no space nor permits for livestock.

Upon return of the man's family on the given date, they will pay the bride-price and bring along gifts of offering such as livestock and alcoholic beverages, iswazi, to be drunk by the family of the bride. Once the lobola from the man's negotiators is accepted then they will be considered married by the Xhosa tradition and the celebrations would commence. These include slaughtering of the livestock as a grateful gesture to their ancestors as well as pouring a considerable amount of the alcoholic beverages on the ground of the bride's household to give thanks to their ancestors. The groom's family is then welcomed into the family and traditional beer, Umqombothi, will be prepared for the groom's family as a token of appreciation from the bride's family.

Ukuyalwa

To solidify their unity the family of the bride will head to the groom's household where the elders will address her with regards to how to carry herself and dress appropriately at her newly found household, this is called Ukuyalwa. Furthermore, a new name will also be given to her by the women of the groom's family and this name signifies the bond of the two families.

Xhosa burial practices

Burial practices and customs include a specific sequence of events and rituals which need to be performed in order to regard a funeral as dignified. Once the family has been notified that a member has died, the extended family comes together in preparation for the burial of the deceased.

The "umkhapho" (to accompany) ritual is performed in order to accompany the spirit of the deceased to the land of the ancestors. The local male clan leader or his proxy is the one who facilitates the process. The purpose of umkhapho is to keep the bonds between the deceased person and the bereaved alive so that the deceased may be able to return later and communicate as an ancestor. During this ritual, an animal such as a goat is slaughtered. A larger animal like a cow may also be slaughtered for an important person like a head of the family whilst a goat without a blemish may be slaughtered for others.

Further customs include the emptying the main bedroom of the bereaving family, known as 'indlu enkulu'. This room is where most of the last respects will be paid by family and friends. The emptying of the room is done in order to create space for extended family members to be able to mourn in the main room. The first family members and/or neighbours to arrive arrange the main bedroom to accommodate this seating arrangement by placing a traditional grass mat (ukhukho) or mattress on the floor.

Mourners do not require an invitation to attend a funeral and everyone who can and would like to attend is welcome. This means that the bereaved family has to cater for an unknown number of mourners. Traditionally, mourners were fed with 'inkobe', which is boiled dried corn and water, and the corn was taken from the family food reserves as well as donated by family members and neighbours. In the 21st century, it is regarded as taboo to feed mourners with 'inkobe' and, as a result of shame, funeral catering has become a lucrative business for the industry during burial events.

Xhosa woman preparing food for large groups of people

On the day of burial, before extended family members disperse to their homes, the ukuxukuxa (cleansing) ritual occurs and a goat or sheep or even a fowl is slaughtered.

A cleansing ritual is done the day after the burial, in which the bereaved women of the family go to the nearest river to wash all the materials and blankets that were used by the deceased before death. Furthermore, the clothes of the deceased are removed from the house and the family members shave their hair. The shaving of hair is an indication that life continues to spring up even after death.[25]

Traditional diet

The Xhosa settled on mountain slopes of the Amatola and the Winterberg Mountains. Many streams drain into great rivers of this Xhosa territory, including the Kei and Fish Rivers. Rich soils and plentiful rainfall make the river basins good for farming and grazing making cattle important and the basis of wealth.

Traditional foods include beef (Inyama yenkomo), mutton (Inyama yegusha), and goat meat (Inyama yebhokwe), sorghum, milk (often fermented, called "amasi"), pumpkins (amathanga), Mielie-meal (maize meal), samp (umngqusho), beans (iimbotyi), vegetables, like "rhabe", wild spinach reminiscent of sorrel, "imvomvo", the sweet sap of an aloe, or "ikhowa", a mushroom that grows after summer rains.

Xhosa cuisine

Xhosa beer Umqombothi in Langa

Amaceba, slices of unpeeled pumpkins that are cooked in plenty of water.
Amarhewu or mageu, soft and sour porridge
Iinkobe, peeled off fresh maize grains, and boiled until cooked. It is eaten as a snack, preferably with salt.
Isidudu, a soft porridge made mealie meal. It is usually served for breakfast, with sugar and milk.
Intyabontyi, a citron melon with white insides, eaten either raw or cooked.
Isophi, corn with beans or peas soup
Umcuku, fermented porridge [amarhewu], sour, slightly soft than porridge itself, mixed with dry pap [umphokoqo]; was popular in the 1900s.
Umleqwa, a dish made with free-range chicken.
Umngqusho, a dish made from white maize and sugar beans, a staple food for the Xhosa people.
Umphokoqo, crumble pap
Umqombothi, a type of beer made from fermented maize and sorghum.
Umvubo, (Amasi)sour milk mixed with umphokoqo, commonly eaten by the Xhosa.
Umbhako, a loaf of bread, commonly made with homemade dough. Normally round, from baking pots
Umfino, Wild Spinach/Cabbage called imifino, spinach mixed with mealie meal.
Umqa, a dish made of pumpkin and mielie meal (maize meal)
Umxoxozi, a pumpkin that is cooked before it is fully ripened.

Art

Xhosa women's outfit, made from cotton blanket fabric coloured with red ochre and decorated with glass beads, mother of pearl buttons and black felt trim

Traditional crafts include bead-work, weaving, woodwork and pottery.

Traditional music features drums, rattles, whistles, flutes, mouth harps, and stringed-instruments and especially group singing accompanied by hand clapping. There are songs for various ritual occasions; one of the best-known Xhosa songs is a wedding song called "Qongqothwane", performed by Miriam Makeba as "Click Song #1". Besides Makeba, several modern groups record and perform in Xhosa. Missionaries introduced the Xhosa to Western choral singing.[citation needed] "Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika", part of the National anthem of South Africa is a Xhosa hymn written in 1897 by Enoch Sontonga.

The first newspapers, novels, and plays in Xhosa appeared in the 19th century, and Xhosa poetry is also gaining renown.

Xhosa village in Eastern Cape.

Several films have been shot in the Xhosa language. U-Carmen eKhayelitsha is a modern remake of Bizet's 1875 opera Carmen. It is shot entirely in Xhosa, and combines music from the original opera with traditional African music. It takes place in the Cape Town township of Khayelitsha. The movie Black Panther also features the Xhosa language.

Xhosa beadwork

Beads are small round objects made of glass, wood, metal, nutshell, bone seed and the likes, which are then pierced for stringing.[28] Before glass beads were introduced, people used natural materials to make beads. Xhosa people relied on the San to sell beads to them through trade or barter exchange. Xhosa people would give hemp to the San in exchange for beads. The beads made by the San were made out of ostrich egg shells which were chipped to small size, bored and polished and strung into sinews. Producing them took a long time, so they were scarce, highly priced, valued and in demand. It is recorded that it was only in the 1930s that the Portuguese introduced glass beads through trade.

Xhosa beadwork and its symbolism

Adornments serve a particular purpose across different cultures as social markers. They are used to ascertain where one belongs to with regards to identity, history and geographical location. They reveal personal information with regards to age and gender and social class as some beads were meant to be worn by royalty. Beadwork creates a sense of belonging and cultural identity and traditions hence people draw their cultural ways of living and meanings, as Xhosa people use them as social markers. Xhosa people believe that the beads also create a link between the living and the ancestors as diviners use them during rituals. Thus beads have some spiritual significance.[29]

Social identities/markers with regards to age, gender, grade, marital status, social rank or role and the spiritual state can be ascertained through Xhosa beadwork. Symbolic references are drawn from the beads through the colour, pattern, formation and motifs. However, it ought to be taken into cognisance that some of these messages are limited to a certain group or between two people. In Xhosa culture beads represent the organisational framework of the people and the rites of passage that people have gone through as the beads are representative of the stages of one's life. Motifs on the beads often used include trees, diamonds, quadrangles, chevrons, triangles, circles, parallel lines that form a pattern that is exclusive to certain age groups. Although the beadwork has some cultural significance with certain motifs having exclusive meanings, the creator of the beadwork has creative control and can create and draw meaning from individual preference. Thus the meanings drawn from the beadwork are not rigidly set.

Among the Thembu (a tribe in the Eastern Cape often erroneously referred to be a Xhosa tribe), after circumcision, the men wore, and still wear, skirts, turbans and a wide bead collar. A waistcoat, long necklaces, throat bands, armbands, leggings and belts are part of his regalia. The dominant colours in the beadwork are white and navy blue, with some yellow and green beads symbolising fertility and a new life, respectively.[29] Xhosa people regard white as the colour of purity and mediation; white beads are still used as offerings to spirits or to the creator. Amagqirha/diviners use white beads when communicating with the ancestors . These diviners also carry with them beaded spears, which are associated with the ancestors that inspire the diviner; beaded horns; and calabashes, to hold medicinal products or snuff. "Amageza", a veil made of beads, is also part of their regalia, they use these beads by swaying them in someone's eyes so as to induce a trance-like state.

Inkciyo is a beaded skirt that serves as a garment covering the pubic area. Among the Pondo people (Xhosa clan) the beads are turquoise and white in colour. This skirt is worn during a virginity testing ceremony among Xhosa people undergoing their rites of passage into womanhood.

Impempe is a whistle that has a necklace on it. The whistle symbolises one's introduction to adolescence.

Xhosa beadwork and other cultural beadworks have cultural ties, but nowadays beads are also worn as fashion pieces, too, either as cultural appreciation or appropriation. The use of cultural beadworks as fashion pieces means that anyone can wear these pieces without having to belong to that cultural group.

Clothing

The Xhosa culture has a traditional dress code informed by the individuals social standing portraying different stages of life. The 'red blanket people' (Xhosa people) have a custom of wearing red blankets dyed with red ochre, the intensity of the colour varying from tribe to tribe. Other clothing includes beadwork and printed fabrics. Although in general, Xhosa lifestyle has been adapted to Western traditions, the Xhosa people still wear traditional attire for special cultural activities. The various tribes have their own variations of traditional dress which includes the colour of their garments and beadwork. This allows for different Xhosa groups to be able to be distinguishable from one another due to their different styles of dress. The Gcaleka women, for instance, encase their arms and legs in beads and brass bangles and some also wear neck beads.

Women

Unmarried women often wear wraps tied around their shoulders, leaving their breasts exposed. Engaged women redden their plaited hair and let it screen their eyes, this was done as a sign of respect for their fiancés. Xhosa women wear some form of headdress to cover their heads as a sign of respect to the head of the family which is either their father or husband. Elderly Xhosa women are allowed to wear more elaborate headpieces because of their seniority.

Description

Incebetha is a small blanket that is used as a bra. It is pinned or adorned with beads. The process of making 'incebetha' is called 'uRhaswa'.
'Ifulu' is a garment that is worn underneath, below the belt. 'Ifulu' is covered by the 'isikhakha' or 'umbhaco' and is made of a blanket. It is also adorned with beads through 'urhaswa'.
'Iqhiya' is a cloth that is fitted to the head and covered with beads. Women then wear a small and light weight blanket on the waist called 'uxakatha'.
Women make bracelets with beads, called 'intsimbi' or 'amaso', which they wear on their feet. 'Intsimbi' or 'amaso' is also worn around the waist. 'Intsimbi' or 'amaso' is made with small wires or flexible material. 'Imitsheke' is worn on the wrist. A small hand bag is worn called 'ingxowa'.

Men

Xhosa men resting during a hunt.

Xhosa men traditionally filled the roles as hunters, warriors and stockman, therefore animal skin forms an important part of their traditional wear. Men often wear goatskin bags in which to carry essentials such as tobacco and a knife. The bag is usually made from skin that had been removed in one piece, cured without removing the hair, and turned inside out. On special occasions such as weddings or initiation ceremonies, Xhosa men wear embroidered skirts with a rectangular cloth over the left shoulder alternatively, a tunic and strands of beaded necklaces can be worn.

Description

Men wear 'ingcawa' a white and black blanket, adorned with 'ukurhaswa'. Men wear beads around their neck. 'Isichebe' is a short bead while 'Isidanga' is a long bead necklace with different colors. Men wear beads around their wrists and foot called 'amaso'. Beads that are worn on the head are called 'unngqa' or 'igwala'. Men smoke pipes that are decorated by 'ukurhaswa'. The traditional smoking pipes are called 'umbheka phesheya'.

Xhosas in modern society

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Modern Xhosa attire.

Xhosa man, Eastern Cape.

Xhosa girl.

Xhosa people as of 2011 made up approximately 18% of the South African population. The Xhosa are the second largest cultural group in South Africa, after the Zulu people.

Under apartheid, adult literacy rates were as low as 30%,[citation needed] and in 1996 studies estimated the literacy level of first-language Xhosa speakers at approximately 50%. There have been advances since then, however.[citation needed]

Education in primary-schools serving Xhosa-speaking communities is conducted in Xhosa, but this is replaced by English after the early primary grades. Xhosa is still considered as a studied subject, however, and it is possible to major in Xhosa at university level. Most of the students at Walter Sisulu University and University of Fort Hare speak Xhosa. Rhodes University in Grahamstown, additionally, offers courses in Xhosa for both mother-tongue and non-mother-tongue speakers. These courses both include a cultural studies component. Professor Russel H. Kaschula, Head of the School of Languages at Rhodes, has published multiple papers on Xhosa culture and oral literature.

The effects of government policies during the years of apartheid can still be seen in the poverty of the Xhosa who still reside in the Eastern Cape. During this time, Xhosa males could only seek employment in the mining industry as so-called migrant labourers. Since the collapse of apartheid, individuals can move freely.

After the breakdown of apartheid, migration to Gauteng and Cape Town has become increasingly common, especially amongst rural Xhosa people

SWAZI PEOPLE

Swazi

The Swazi tribe, also known as the Eswatini, is one of the smallest tribes in South Africa. They have a monarchy system of government and hold their king, the Ngwenyama, in high regard. The Swazi people are known for their beautiful traditional dances and colorful festivals.

Expert Perspective: Dr. Nomkhosi Dlamini, cultural anthropologist, states, “The Swazi people have managed to preserve their cultural practices despite external influences. This resilience is a testament to the importance of cultural identity in the face of adversity.”

The Swazi or Swati (Swati: Emaswati, singular Liswati) are a Bantu ethnic group native to Southern Africa, inhabiting Eswatini, a sovereign kingdom in Southern Africa, and South Africa's Mpumalanga province. AmaSwati are part of the Nguni-language speaking peoples whose origins can be traced through archaeology to East Africa where similar traditions, beliefs and cultural practices are found.

The Swati people and the Kingdom of Eswatini today are named after Mswati II, who became king in 1839 after the death of his father King Sobhuza. Eswatini was a region first occupied by the San people and the current Swazis migrated from north East Africa through to Mozambique and eventually settled in Eswatini in the 15th century. Their royal lineage can be traced to a chief named Dlamini I; this is still the royal clan name. About three-quarters of the clan groups are Nguni; the remainder are Sotho, Tsonga, others North East African and San descendants. These groups have intermarried freely. Swazi identity extends to all those with allegiance to the twin monarchs Ingwenyama "the Lion" (the king) and Indlovukati "the She-Elephant" (the queen mother). The dominant Swati language and culture are factors that unify Swatis as a nation.

History

amaSwati are native to Southern Africa. The term bakaNgwane ("Ngwane's people") is still used as an alternative to emaSwati, to refer to the Swati people. EmaSwati are people who are predominantly descended from Nguni-language speakers. However some of the Swati people originate from Sotho clans who were also inhabitants of Eswatini. Under the leadership of Dlamini III who took over from the Maseko and settlement took place in 1750, along the Pongola River where it cuts through the Lubombo mountains. Later on, they moved into a region on the Pongola River, which was in close proximity to the Ndwandwe people. Dlamini III's successor was Ngwane III, who is considered the first King of modern Eswatini. He ruled from around 1745 until 1780 at the Shiselweni region of Eswatini.

In 1815, Sobhuza I became the king of Eswatini and was responsible for the establishment of Swati power in central Eswatini. Here the Swati people continued the process of expansion by conquering numerous small Sotho and Nguni-speaking tribes to build up a large composite state today called Eswatini. Sobhuza I's rule occurred during the Mfecane. Under Sobhuza's leadership, the Nguni and Sotho peoples as well as remnant San groups were integrated into the Swati nation. It was during his rule that the present boundaries of Eswatini were fully under the rule of the Dlamini kings.

In the late 1830s, initial contact occurred with the Boers, who were settling in the territory that would become the South African Republic. A substantial portion of Swati territory was ceded to the Transvaal Boers who settled around the Lydenburg area in the 1840s. The territory of Eswatini, and their king, Mswati II, were recognized by both the Transvaal and Britain. It was during the rule of Mswati II that the Swati nation was unified. Thereafter, the label "Swati" eventually was applied to all the peoples who gave allegiance to the Ingwenyama.

Later under Mbandzeni, many commercial, land, and mining concessions were granted to British and Boer settlers. This move led to further loss of land to the South African Republic. The result was that a substantial Swati population ended up residing outside Eswatini in South Africa. The Pretoria Convention for the Settlement of the Transvaal in 1881 recognized the independence of Eswatini and defined its boundaries. The Ngwenyama was not a signatory, and the Swazi claim that their territory extends in all directions from the present state. Britain claimed authority over Eswatini in 1903, and independence was regained in 1968.

Today, Swati people reside in both Eswatini and South Africa. People of Swati descent in South Africa are typically identifiable by speaking siSwati, or a dialect of that language. There are also many Swati migrants in South Africa and the United Kingdom. The number of emaSwati in South Africa is slightly larger than that of emaSwati in Eswatini, which is approximately 1.2 million people. In modern-day Eswatini, Swati people include all Eswatini citizens regardless of their ethnicity.

Identity

The Kings of Eswatini date back to some considerable time to when the royal line of Dlamini lived in the vicinity of Delagoa Bay. The Swazi people as a nation were originally formed by 17 clans known as bemdzabuko ("true Swazi") who accompanied the Dlamini kings in the early days. The 17 founding clans were Dlamini, Nhlabathi, Hlophe, Kunene, Mabuza, Madvonsela, Mamba, Matsebula, Mdluli, Motsa, Ngwenya, Shongwe, Sukati, Tsabedze, Tfwala, Mbokane and Zwane. Other Swazi clans are the Emakhandzambili clans ("those found ahead", e.g. the Gamedze, Fakudze, Ngcamphalala and Magagula), meaning that they were on the land prior to Dlamini immigration and conquest. The Emafikemuva ("those who came behind") who joined the kingdom later.

Culture

Main article: Culture of Eswatini

Princess Sikhanyiso dancing at umhlanga

A Swazi woman dancing

Dancing and singing, including praise-singing, are prominent in Swazi culture. Pottery and carving were minor arts. Swazi traditional marriage is called umtsimba; it is usually on a weekend in the dry season (June to August). The bride and her relatives go to the groom's homestead on Friday evening. On Saturday morning, the bridal party sit by a nearby river and eat goat or cow meat offered by the groom's family; in the afternoon, they dance in the groom's homestead. On Sunday morning, the bride, with her female relatives, stabs the ground with a spear at the groom's cattle kraal; later she is smeared with red ochre. The smearing is the high point of marriage: no woman can be smeared twice. The bride presents gifts to her husband and his relatives. Umhlanga is one of the most well-known cultural events in Eswatini held in August/September for young unmarried girls to pay homage to the Ndlovukati. Incwala is another Swazi cultural event held in December/January, depending on the phases of the moon. This ceremony, also known as the "First Fruits" ceremony, marks the King's tasting of the new harvest.[4]

Religion

The traditional Swazi religion recognizes a supreme God/creator in its pure form while the ancestors are recognized. The Swazi religion is based on a creator known as Mvelincanti (he who was there from the beginning). Most Swazis intertwine this belief with modern day Christianity that was brought by the missionaries. Many continue to practice their traditional spiritual beliefs. Spiritual rituals are performed at the level of family associated with birth, death and marriage.

NDEBELE PEOPLE

Ndebele

The Ndebele tribe is known for its vibrant and colorful traditional attire. Their distinctive geometric patterns and beadwork are a visual representation of their cultural identity. The Ndebele people have a close-knit community and value their traditions and customs.

Insight: Ndebele artist, Sipho Mabena, shares, “Our art is not just decorative; it tells a story of our history and struggles. It is a way for us to express ourselves and keep our culture alive.”

AmaNdebele are an ethnic group native to South Africa who speak isiNdebele. The group is separate from the Northern Ndebele who broke away from the Zulu during Tshaka's time. They mainly inhabit the provinces of Mpumalanga, Gauteng and Limpopo, all of which are in the northeast of the country. In academia this ethnic group is referred to as the Southern Ndebele to differentiate it from their relatives the Northern Ndebele people of Limpopo and Northwest.

History

Prehistory

The history of the Ndebele people begin with the Bantu Migrations southwards from the Great Lakes region of East Africa. Bantu speaking peoples moved across the Limpopo river into modern day South Africa and over time assimilated and conquered the indigenous San people in the North Eastern regions of South Africa. At the time of the collapse of the Kingdom of Zimbabwe in 1450, Two main groups had emerged south of the Limpopo River: the Nguni, who occupied the eastern coastal plains, and the Sotho–Tswana, who lived on the interior plateau. Between the 1400s and early 1800s saw these two groups split into smaller distinct cultures and people. The Ndebele were just such a people.

Among the Hlubi

Chief Ndebele was living with his people in the territory of the Bhaca and Hlubi south of the Drakensberg Mountains which they called "uKhahlamba". The capital settlement in this territory was called eLundini. Chief Ndebele had broken away from the larger Mbo group and established his own rule over his own people who would take his name as the name of their nation.

Jonono, the great-grandson of Ndebele moved north with his people and settled in the area just north east of modern-day Ladysmith in the mountains surrounding the mouth of the Cwembe River. Jononoskop which is approximately 30 km (19 mi) north east of Ladysmith is said to be the burial place of Jonono.

Jonono was succeeded as "INgwenyama" which is the title of the King of the Ndebele, by his eldest son Nanasi who legend holds, was resistant to all poisons. One tale tells of how Nanasi feasted on the top of a nearby hill on poisonous fruit only to discover that he remained unharmed by the fruit. Today the alleged site is called "Butiswini" from ubuthi esiswini which roughly means 'a poisoned stomach'. Oral tradition does not tell us why Nanasi was eating poisonous fruit in the first place.

Migration to north of the Vaal river

Nanasi died without issue and so Mafana his brother succeeded him as Ngwenyama. Mafana is said to have lived in the mid-1500s. Mafana moved his people from their lands near Ladysmith moving in a north westward direction crossing first the Drakensberg Mountains and then made an attempt to cross the Vaal River. He was unsuccessful and drowned in the river along with a few others.

After the death of his father Mafana, Mhlanga assumed the throne and took his people over the Vaal River travelling in a north westward direction finally settling in an area around modern day Randfontein. Mhlanga established a new capitol that was later called eMhlangeni(now known as Mehlakeng), which means Mhlanga's place, and there he stayed with the Ndebele until his death.

Musi, the son of Mhlanga succeeded his father as Ngwenyama of the Ndebele people. While at eMhlangeni, Musi found the area becoming increasingly hostile from the Sotho-Tswana tribes to the west that had not taken kindly to the Nguni Ndebele settling so close to their borders. Ultimately due the competing of resources, Musi uprooted the Ndebele once again and moved his people northwards crossing first the Jukskei River then the Hennops River. After discovering the source of the Apies River, Musi's Ndebele moved north along its banks through Wonderboompoort and settled in the hills north of Wonderboomkop on both side of the Apies River. Here Musi established two settlements. The first of which "KwaMnyamana" (The Place of Black Rocks) served as a new capitol for the Ndebele and was situated on the eastern side of the Apies river. The second settlement was that of "eMaruleni" (Named for the abundance of Marula fruit trees), which was situated on the western side of the Apies river.

Here at KwaMnyamana, Musi's Ndebele would establish a thriving homeland for themselves trading with BaKwena and BaKgatla tribes in the west.

Musi's people also encountered the indigenous nomadic San people living along the Apies River whom they called "AbaTshwa" which is said to mean "The People who we ignore".

Manala-Ndzundza conflict

Musi was a polygamist and as such fathered many children with many wives. The following are some of Musi's known progeny: Masombuka, also called Sikhosana whose name means "to begin". First born son of Musi's third wife. Ndzundza, also called Hlungwana was the first born son of his second wife. Manala, also called Mbuduma was the first born son of his 'Great Wife'. There was also Thombeni, also called Gheghana, Sibasa, Mrhwaduba, Mphafuli, Dlomu, and Tshwane, whose historicity is hotly debated with many suggesting he was not the son of Musi but the son of Musi's brother Sekhubatane or even Musi's grandson. There are others who even suggest that he may have never existed at all.

According to Ndebele tradition, it is custom for the first born son of the 'Great Wife' to succeed his father as ruler over the Ndebele people. The first born of Musi's great wife was Manala. Thus Manala was the rightful heir to the ruling seat of the Ndebele. This did not sit well with Musi's second wife whose son Ndzundza was born first before Manala. Oral tradition on the many details of the following vary from community to community however what is mostly agreed upon is that when Musi was old, he was blind and quite senile. After the death of his great wife he was being nursed and cared for by his second wife. This second wife, sensing the passing of Musi was near, instructed Manala to go out and hunt an 'imbuduma' (Wildebeest) to honour his father in his last days. While Manala was out, Musi's second wife came to him and presented her son Ndzundza as Manala and asked Musi to bestow to Ndzundza the "iNamrhali" which it is said, are magical beads or a magical staff that produce a sound that mimics the cries of a child. This mysterious gift was passed from incumbent rulers to their successors at their death to fortify their rule as the new ruler.

Alternate oral tradition holds that Musi himself sent Manala to hunt the imbuduma and knowingly bestowed iNamrhali to Ndzundza and instructed him to call an "Imbizo" (Royal counsel) and inform the elders and the people of what had transpired between him and his father. Ndzundza was further instructed to not leave KwaMnyamana at any cost. That if he should leave the seat of power, even having iNamrhali would not be enough to consolidate his power as the new ruler over the people and that his brother Manala would surely uses the forces of KwaMnyamana to seek retribution.

While it is debated how Ndzundza had obtained iNamrhali, the one consistent fact remained in almost all stories that Ndzundza was indeed in possession of iNamrhali at this point. Ndzundza did not head the warning of his father and fled eastwards with many followers including his brothers Mthombeni and Masombuka . Manala arrived with his hunt to find his father had died and Ndzundza with iNamrhali along with many followers had fled. Manala himself called an Imbizo declaring that Ndzundza had stolen iNamrhali and thus his birthright. He vowed to bring Ndzundza back to KwaMnyamana or kill him.

Manala with his army pursued Ndzundza and caught up with him at MaSongololo (Zonkolol) Between modern day Cullinan and Rayton. There they fought a battle between two branches of the Elands River. Ndzundza had narrowly claimed victory in this first battle and rather than staying in the area he fled with his forces further eastward. Manala pursued again and again lost to Ndzundza's forces in a battle at the Wilge River. It is said that at this battle, Ndzundza used iNamrhali to cast a magical spell over the river causing it to wash away some of Manala's forces. After this second defeat, Manala retreated back to KwaMnyamana to replenish their provisions and numbers. Manala and his army then continued to chase Ndzundza until they met at the Olifants River were a third battle ensued. Ndzundza allegedly cast the first blow, throwing a spear over the river towards Manala which landed at his feet.

It was then that oral tradition holds that at the moment Manala had the upper hand to kill his brother Ndzundza, a "long breasted" old woman named Noqoli from the Mnguni family stepped in and scolded the brothers for fighting. She proceeded to call a meeting to mediate peace between the two brothers. The outcome of this meeting was that henceforth there would be two kings of the Ndebele people. Ndzundza would hold Musi's iNamrhali and be recognised as his own king within the Ndebele kingdom, and Manala would continue to rule as the senior king from Musi's capital of KwaMnyamana (Wonderboom) and the Olifants River would be the border separating the two powers within the greater Ndebele Kingdom. The agreement further stated that the brothers may never again fight. That great misfortune would follow the Ndebele people should they transgress the agreement which came to be known as "isiVumelano sakoNoQoli" (Noqoli's agreement). To show their commitment to honour Noqoli's agreement, it was decided that Manala's daughters and descendants would marry the daughters and descendants of Ndzundza and vice versa. This practice would later die out. Noqoli and her descendants were honoured with the title Msiza.

This story bears great resemblance to the biblical story of Jacob and Esau which features in The Book of Genesis from Chapters 27 through to 33 telling of Esau's loss of his birthright to Jacob and the conflict that ensued between their descendants nations because of Jacob's deception of their aged and blind father, Isaac, in order to receive Esau's birthright/blessing from Isaac.

There has been much debate over the past few centuries about the exact details of isiVumelwano sakoNoQoli. This debate boiled over into a legal feud between Enoch Mabhena Makhosoke II of the Manala and Mbusi Mahlangu Mabhoko III of the Ndzundza over who holds the most senior position in the Ndebele kingdom. The matter was settled with the Nhlapo Commission onto Traditional leadership and claims which in 2010 declared Mabhena as the senior king of the Ndebele.

In November 2010, former President of South Africa Jacob Zuma caused controversy when he overturned the Nhlapo Commissions finding and declared Mahlangu to be the senior king of the Ndebele. This was later rectified in 2017, High Court and Makhosonke II was legally entrenched as the senior king of the Ndebele People of South Africa.

Post Ndebele Schism

The remaining sons of Musi all went their separate ways after the Manala-Ndzundza conflict. Thombeni and Masombuka relocated with their brother Ndzundza to east of the Olifants River.

Thombeni (Gheghana) continued on with his people north and settled at the confluence of the Mgoto and Nkumpi rivers in what is today Moletlane. Thombeni's grandson named Kgabe took a large portion of the descendants of Tqahombeni north westward crossing the mountains and settling near the Waterberg Mountains along the Nyl river where their descendants were gradually assimilated into the surrounding Sotho-Tswana groups.

By the middle of the 18th century, the Gheghana had further divided into smaller splinter groups, which spread out across the hills, valleys and plains surrounding present-day Mghumbhani(Mokopane), Zebediela and Bhulungwani (Polokwane).These groups were progressively absorbed into the numerically superior and more dominant surrounding Sotho groups, undergoing considerable cultural and social change. By contrast, the descendants of Manala and Ndzundza maintained a more recognisably distinctive cultural identity, and retained a language which was closer to the Mbo spoken by their coastal forebears (and to present-day isiHlubi).

Sibasa and his brother Mphafuli moved north into the territory of the VhaVenda and were met with resistance from the Venda.After a considerable conflict the forces of Mphafuli and Sibasa established chieftainships at Tshivhase and Sibasa. Some of Mphafuli's descendents trekked southwards and joined the Ndzundza.

Dlomu had decided to leave the territories north of the Vaal and go back to the ancestral homeland of the Ndebele in Hlubi territory. Here the descendants of Dlomu established the amaNdebele Clan among the Hlubi.

The descendants of Mhwaduba stayed with Manala at KwaMnyamana for almost seven generations until the onset of a drought in the late 1700s caused one of his descendants, known to the Voortrekkers as "Pete" uprooted his people and settled near Schuinsdraai in Limpopo. After the arrival of Mzilikazi north of the Vaal, the remanents of Pete's people settled among the Masetla BaKgatla and were gradually assimilated as BaKgatla.

As for Tshwane. It is said by some that he was one of the descendants of Mhwaduba who did not leave with Pete but instead moved south and settled on the northern banks of the Hennops river. Thaba Tshwane nearby bears his name. Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality was named in honour of Tshwane as well as a 3m statue erected in-front of Pretoria City Hall. This has caused great controversy.

Manala returned from the Olifants River back to KwaMnyamana with two of his brothers daughters, Mathisi and Ganuganu as consolation for the loss of iNamrhali. Upon Manala's return he buried the body of Musi under the Wonderboom at the base of Wonderboomkop. Following Ndebele tradition would have led the funeral ceremony with his clothes inside out in a practice called "ukuhlanukela". After the burial the new Ngwenyama is announced to the people by the royal praise singer after-which there is a great feast. In the years leading up to Manala's death his people saw relative prosperity at KwaMnyamana.

Manala was succeeded by his son Ntjhele, who succeeded by his son Magutjhona who was succeeded by his son Mrhawu, who was succeeded by his brother Ncagu who served as regent until Buyambo, the son of Mrawu was of age to assume the Manala throne. Buyambo's son Mabhena I who succeeded him as Ngwenyama of the Manala throne expanded the territory of to as far south as the confluence of the Hennops River and the Sesmylspruit and as far north as Marblehall in Limpopo. Mabhena I did however struggle with expansion to the west. Never moving past the Sand River which becomes the Tolwane River. He met respectable resistance from the Sotho-Tswana groups to the west. When the son of Mabhena I, Mdibane, ascended to the throne the Manala had controlled a territory spanning the length of northern Gauteng. This included many large settlements such as KwaMnyamana (The Place of Black Rocks) which served as the Manala Capital, eMaruleni (The Place of Marula Trees), eZotjaneni (The Place in The Grass), KoNonduna (The Place of The Chiefs) and eMbilaneni (The Holy Place).

Ndzundza and his followers now free to establish their own rule moved to the source of the Steelpoort river and built the first Ndzundza capital called KwaSimkulu "The Great Place" situated approximately 20 km (12 mi) west of modern-day Belfast at the foot of Kwaggaskop. Ndzundza's Ndebele claimed all the lands from the Olifants River in the east to the western banks of the Elands River in Mpumalanga as their new territory.

Ndzundza was succeeded by his son Mrhetjha who in turn was succeeded by his son Magobholi. Bongwe, the son of Magobholi and great-grandson of Ndzundza, ruled in a time where the territory of the Ndzundza became increasingly threatened by raids from the Nguni tribes in the south east and more worry-some the growing Sotho-Tswana peoples in the north. Bongwe thus left KwaSimkulu and established a new capital for the Ndzundza at the base of the Bothasberg which was called "KwaMaza" (The Place of Ash). This new capital proved to be in a more solid position with which to push back the expansion of baKgatla tribes in the north. Bongwe died without issue and was succeeded by his brother Sindeni.

Sindeni continued his brothers campaigns in the north and defeated both the baKgatla under Moloi and the bakwaNkadimeng. Sindeni was succeeded by his grandson Mahlangu. It is not clear how power was transferred from Sindeni to Mahlangu and what happened to Mahlangu's father who should have ruled before him. Mahlangu attempted to expand the Ndzundza territory both to the north and south but had limited success. Despite this Mahlangu gained significant notoriety from his enemies as a skilled military leader.

Mahlangu was succeeded by his son Phaswana who was killed in war. Phaswana was succeeded by his brother Maridili who had greater success in war defeating Makuwa baPedi and Makwetla baPedi at eDikeni. Maridili died without issue and so the Ndzundza throne passed onto the next brother Mdalanyana who was killed in war. The throne passed to Mgwezana, son of Mahlangu, who too was killed in battle. After this Mgwezana's brother Dzela. Dzela engaged in an ambitious war to claim more territory for the Ndzundza eastwards and attacked the BoKoni around Lydenburg which they called "eMatjhitjhini" (The Place of The Long Grass). This campaign was not successful and Dzela was killed. The throne then passed to Mrhabuli who was the son of Mgwezana but served as regent for the young Gembe who was the rightful heir of Mgwezana's throne. To avenge the death Dzela, Mrhabuli split the Ndzundza force into three armies with his brother Magodongo in command of one force, his young brother and heir Gembe in command of the second and himself in command of the last. The plan was to surround the BoKoni capital and attack from three sides. Gembe and his forces had gotten scared and abandoned his brothers on the eve of battle and fled. Mrhabuli and Magodongo inflicted massive loses on the BoKoni but sustained great losses without the support of Gembe. Mrhabuli was killed in this battle and ultimately it was decided among the "Induna" or Chiefs of the Ndzundza, that Gembe's actions were unforgivable and that instead Magodongo would be named the Ngwenyama of the Ndzundza founding a new dynasty.

Mzilikazi and The Mfecane

Sibindi, the son of Mdibane of the Manala had heard of the arrival of a large Khumalo army headed by Mzilikazi north of the Vaal sometime in early 1820s. Sibindi at first made an attempt to avoid conflict by offering one of his daughters to Mzilikazi as a peace offering. The exact details of the breakdown of diplomacy between Sibindi and Mzilikazi is not clear but oral tradition tells how Mzilikazi asked Sibindi to lend him a few of his best soldiers to go hunting with. Mzilikazi's men then set upon Sibindis loaned warriors and killed them.

Sibindi subsequently called for all Ndebele, including the forces of Ndzundza to unite as one and meet Mzilikazi in battle. But Magodongo of the Ndzundza had limited forces to spare, due to his own struggling war against Thulare I of the BaPedi. Thus Sibindi with his uncle Chief Mavula as his second instead of Magodongo, marched towards Mzilikazi's advancing horde and met him as Klipkop, west of Pretoria winning a few initial skirmishes with the traditional praise song of Sibindi singing "Ngushlangu sidabula udaka mhlana abantungwa bawa ubusolokohlo KoSomazabanye". "They drove Mzilikazi's troupes passed 'KoSomazabanye'" Which is modern day Cullinan. Unfortunately Sibindi's luck had run out. Sibindi was killed and the Manala capital of KwaMnyamana was sacked.

This first set of skirmishes against Sibindi proved to be only a test run for Mzilikazi's conquest of the central Transvaal. His forces had already moved to the area of modern-day Middelburg and established a fortress called "EkuPhumuleni" which means "Place of Rest".

By 1826, Mzilikazi's forces began assaulting Magodongo's capital of KwaMaza. This, coupled with the death of Sibindi, caused Magodongo to retreat from KwaMaza to a new Ndzundza capital called "eSikhunjini" which means "Hiden by the Animal Skin". Despite Magodongo's best efforts eSikhunjini was racked and Magodongo and his sons were taken captive by Mzilikazi. Tales tell of how Mzilikazi had the still living Magadongo partially impaled on wooden poles to torture him but not kill him. Mzilikazi then killed some of Magodongo's sons one by one by throwing them off a cliff after which he tied Magodongo to a large rock and threw him in a river to drown.

In December 1826, Mzilikazi had shattered both the Manala and Ndzundza Ndebele and established a new capital for his Mthwakazi empire on the banks of the Apies River near Wonderboompoort and called it "Kungwini" which means "Place of Mist". Mzilikazi would rule from Kungwini for more that 10 years sending raiding forces as far north as the northern banks of the Olifants River and as far south as Heilbron in the Free State.

The Khumalo suppressed any attempts by the Ndebele to re assert dominance in the region killing both Silamba's successor Mavula who was his brother, and Mgibe another brother. Among the Ndzundza the throne passed to Sibhoko who was one of the surviving sons of Magodongo. Sibhoko was allegedly killed after a dispute with a Sotho-Tswana Chief named Matlala north of Marblehall. He was succeeded by another of Magodongo's surviving sons named Somdeyi. Somdeyi ruled as regent for Tjambowe who was allegedly next in line to be king of the Ndzundza. Somdeyi was killed by one of Mzilikazi's raiding parties.

Mzilikazi's occupation of the central Transvaal region would become threatened with the arrival of the Voortrekkers north of the Vaal River in 1836. The resulting confrontations over the next two years caused Mzilikazi to suffer heavy losses. By early 1838, Mzilikazi and his people were forced northwards out of Transvaal altogether and across the Limpopo River. Further attacks caused him to move again, at first westwards into present-day Botswana and then later northwards towards what is now Zambia. He was unable to settle the land there because of the prevalence of tsetse fly which carried diseases fatal to oxen. Mzilikazi therefore travelled again, this time southeastwards into what became known as Matabeleland (situated in the southwest of present-day Zimbabwe) and settled there in 1840.

Transvaal Republic

Directly after the defeat of Mzilikazi, the lands between the Vaal River and Limpopo were left in tatters and some Voortrekkers settled on lands that had previously belonged to African groups like the Ndzundza and Manala Ndebele. They claimed that upon their arrival the region was almost devoid of any African inhabitants because the thinking went, they had all fled in the face of the Mfecane. The Boers believed that the land was deserted and abandoned and therefore theirs for the taking. This caused great conflict between Boers and African kingdoms of the region who were attempting to reclaim the lands stolen from them by Mzilikazi's Mthwakazi Empire.

The Manala were hardest hit by Mzilikazi's occupation. After the death of Sibindi the throne went to his brother Mvula who ruled only a year before being assassinated by Mzilikazi's forces. after Mvula the leadership of the Manala passed on to the next brother Mgibe. Mgibe ruled much longer than Mvula and had the foresight to send his brothers and their families to scatter and live far and wide so that if he should die, that there would always be another Manala of Mdibane to take over leadership. Mgibe like many before him was assassinated by Mzilikazi raiding parties after ruling in exile for only 5 years.

The throne of the Manala would then pass to Silamba who was another son of Mdibane. Silamba attempted to re-establish control over the lands previously owned by the Manala but was met with staunch resistance by Voortrekker settlers. The territories south of KwaMnyamana where occupied, Silamba discovered, by two brothers named Lucas Cornelius Bronkhorst and Johannes Gerhardus Stephanus Bronkhorst who had arrived north of the Vaal with the Trek Party of Andries Hendrik Potgieter. The Bronkhorsts had settled near Fountains Valley along the Apies River. The ruins of their first homestead can be found in Groenkloof Nature Reserve.

By 1842 Silamba had clashed with the Bronkhorsts a good deal and ultimately lost all the Manala lands south of KwaMnyamana. Silamba lived for sometime in KoNonduna near modernday Tierpoort. In 1873, After the establishment of The Transvaal Republic, Silamba moved from KoNonduna and settled in Wallmansthal and established a new capital for the Manala called "KoMjekejeke".

Among the Ndzundza after the death of Somdeyi, The throne should have passed to Tjambowe who was the grandson of Magodongo but he had gone from being fully sighted to being completely blind in a span of 6 years and this disqualified him from his claim to the throne. An Imbizo was called and the chiefs and elders of the Ndzundza consulted and the decision was made to make Mabhoko, one of Magodono's youngest sons king. He was chosen for his youth and intelligence and for his bravery in battle despite how young he was. Mabhoko became known for his internal diplomacy skills offering Tjambowe a place of honour at all special events and invited him to live with him in the royal dwelling. Mabhoko had further decided to move the Ndzundza capital from eSikhunjini to a new settlement which he heavily fortified and called "eMrholeni". This new capital was near a series of caves called "KoNomtjarhelo".

Mabhoko began immediate plans to restore the Ndzundza kingdom. Through diplomacy he entered into an alliance with one of the BaPedi Chiefs of the Marota Empire named Malewa. This alliance with Chief Malewa would ensure the Ndzundza's northernmost border would be protected. With Silamba's loss of the lands to the west let many settler enter into Ndzundza territory. With the establishment of Ohrigstad in 1845 just 120 km (75 mi) north east of the Ndzundza capital, Mabhokho moved the capital from eMrholeni into the caves of KoNomtjarhelo and established a virtually impenetrable fortress.

Almost from the onset sporadic skirmishes began to take place between these new immigrants, and the Ndebele-Pedi alliance, who actively resisted the incursions which they were beginning to make upon their ancestral lands. Mabhoko had through the used of trade and raids secured large amounts of fire arms and won many of the initial skirmishes against the Boer forces.

A malaria outbreak in Ohrigstad caused the Boers to move to deeper into Ndzundza territory and they established a settlement at Laersdrif. The settlement of Boers at Laersdrif which was less than 40 km (25 mi) south of the Ndzundza fortress of KoNomtjarhelo aggravated the Ndzundza into full out war with the Boers. This all came to a head in 1847 when Ndzundza won a decisive battle against the Boers. Many Boers left the area to settle lands in the west and those who stayed were required to recognise Mabhoko's authority and pay a tax in the form of cattle or supplies.

Tensions between African kingdoms of the Transvaal and White settlers would only worsen with the signing of the Sand River Convention 17 January 1852. This document was signed between the British Empire and the Boers. In this document The British formally recognised the independence of the Boers north of the Vaal River. With this treaty in hand, the Boers established The Transvaal Republic as all the lands between the Vaal River in the south and Limpopo River in the north. The problem with the Sand River Convention was that no mention of or regard was given to the African people already living between the Vaal and Limpopo Rivers. In reality the Boers had only established a handful of settlements by 1852 and the majority of occupied land in the Transvaal was occupied by African kingdoms.

In 1861, The throne of the Marota Empire fell to Sekhukhune who greatly expanded the lands of the BaPedi and this caused tensions with Mabhoko who resisted. After winning a few key battle against Sekhukhune. Mabhoko ultimately submitted to the rule of Sekhukhune and the Marota Empire. This drove a wedge between the Ndzundza and the BaPedi in the years to come.

In 1863, tensions between the Boers and the Ndzundza Ndebele rose to boiling point again and The Boers, seeing Mabhoko with his arsenal of firearms as threat to the safety of the Republic, attacked KoNomtjarhelo with the aid of Swazi forces. This attack failed and the Swazi having sustained most of the casualties, deserted the Boers. In 1864 a second assault was made at KoNomtjarhelo and this too failed.

Despite Mabhoko's continuous victory, the Ndundza territory, like the Manala was becoming smaller and smaller. A year later in 1865 Mabhoko died and was succeeded by his son Mkhephuli who was also called Soqaleni. Mkhephuli ruled for only 10 years and then passing the throne to his son Rhobongo/Xobongo. Rhobongo was not well loved and was described as somewhat of a tyrant. Rhobongo was succeeded by his brother Nyabela in 1879.

Mapoch War (1882–83)

In 1876, The Transvaal Republic under the controversial presidency of Thomas François Burgers, lost an expensive war against Sekhukhune north of the Steelpoort River. This led Theophilus Shepstone to annex the Transvaal on 12 April 1877 on behalf of the British Empire under the pretence of bringing stability to the region.

This annexation by the British led to The Transvaal War of Independence (1880–81), more famously called The "First Anglo-Boer War". This war resulted in Boer victory.

In the time of Nyabela's rule, The Ndzundza kingdom comprised approximately 84 km (52 mi) and had a population of about 15,000. It was after the Transvaal regained its independence in 1881 that the relationship between the Boers and Ndzundza began to deteriorate more rapidly than ever before. The Transvaal was becoming annoyed with Nyabela for asserting his independence (by, for example, declining to pay taxes, refusing to hold a census when instructed to do so and preventing a boundary commission from beaconing off his lands). What eventually became the casus belli was Nyabela's decision to harbour the Pedi Chief Mampuru, after he had assassinated his brother Sekhukhune on 13 August 1882.On two previous occasions, the Transvaal authorities had attempted to arrest Mampuru for fomenting disorder, and this latest outrage was the last straw. Mampuru and his supporters sought refuge with Makwani, one of Nyabela's subordinate chiefs. When ordered to extradite the fugitive, Nyabela made the decision not to do so.

On 12 October 1882, the Volksraad authorised General Piet Joubert to raise a commando. At first, only Mampuru was the target of the expedition, but, at the end of the month, General Joubert was also instructed to bring to heel any African peoples who had harboured or assisted him. General Joubert had allegedly little enthusiasm for his latest brief, but this would not prevent him from pursuing it to its conclusion with relentless thoroughness. Raising enough able-bodied burghers for the expedition was not an altogether easy task. Few relished having to leave their farms for months on end to take part in a dull and prolonged campaign against rebellious Africans, even under a leader as respected and popular as General Joubert. Nevertheless, an expeditionary force was duly raised. The white citizens of the Transvaal Republic had few civic obligations, but serving on commando was one of them, and most of those called out reported for duty.

By the end of October, the vanguard of General Joubert's commando, which was about ~2 000 strong, began arriving in Ndzundza territory. An ultimatum was sent to Nyabela, giving him one last chance to surrender Mampuru and to undertake to cooperate with the Transvaal authorities in future or war would ensue. General Joubert was anxious that he comply as a military campaign was not likely to be an easy one. For one, the Ndzundza Ndebele had in their possession a considerable arsenal of firearms that the Ndzundza had been trained to use in war since the rule of Mabhoko. Secondly, the fortress of KoNomtjarhelo was situated between precipitous cliffs and sheer rock faces on the eastern extremity of a range of heavily forested, boulder-strewn hills. A complex network of caves, grottos and tunnels pockmarked these heights, providing both places of refuge and space for storage to help withstand a long siege. The caves were a remarkable phenomenon, some being so extensive as to enable fighters to disappear into one entrance and reappear from a different one more than a kilometre away. Moreover, to capture the main stronghold, the attacking force would first have to overcome a series of well-fortified hills, most notably KwaPondo and KwaMrhali (called 'Vlugkraal' and 'Boskop' respectively by the Boers; KoNomtjarhelo was simply 'Spitskop') which guarded its approaches to the west.

Any hopes he might have had for compliance were soon disappointed. Nyabela famously answered that he had swallowed Mampuru, and if the Boers wanted him they would have to kill him and take him out of his belly.

General Joubert would ultimately eschew direct attacks against these strong points. The Boers were past masters when it came to storming hills (as they had demonstrated at Battle of Majuba Hill and Battle of Schuinshoogte the previous year). In this particular war, they could not be relied upon to take too many risks. Already half-hearted about the coming fight, they were liable to desert or simply refuse to cooperate. General Joubert complained after the war to the Transvaal Volksraad that the burghers "seemed to prefer looting cattle on their own account to fighting." Instead, therefore, Joubert's chosen strategy was to wear the chiefs down, confining them and their people to their mountain fortresses and allowing starvation to do the rest. This would at least minimise losses among the Boers. On the other hand, it would inevitably prolong the war. It was already known that the Ndzundza were stockpiling their food supplies in anticipation of a long siege.

On 5 November, a last-ditch attempt to conclude the dispute peacefully came to nothing and, two days later, the first clash of the war took place. Without warning, a Ndzundza raiding party swooped down from the surrounding heights and began driving the commando's oxen, nearly a thousand head, towards a cave in the mountainside. About 150 Boers galloped after the raiders, running them to ground before they reached their destination and reclaiming their cattle. About twenty Ndzundza were killed in the skirmish; the Boers suffered just one, casualty. Within two weeks of the commencement of hostilities, the KwaPondo bastion was already being menaced. Three cannons as well as a considerable amount of dynamite had since arrived from Pretoria to help reduce the defences. On 17 November, the Ndzundza attempted to drive back the besieging force, but were themselves beaten off after two and a half hours of fierce fighting. The Boers brought two of their guns into the firing line during the engagement. Soon after this repulse, Nyabela sent out emissaries to discuss peace terms, but General Joubert was only prepared to deal with the chief in person and sent them back. Nyabela declined to present himself, no doubt suspecting that it was a ploy to capture him.

KwaPondo, a semi-circular plateau surrounded by cliffs and strewn with boulders, was subjected to a heavy bombardment on 21 November, but to little effect. The Ndzundza forces merely jeered at and taunted the burghers from the safety of their breastworks. General Joubert's dynamiting operations were also unsuccessful, since the warriors of the Ndzundza had taken refuge in caves that were in most cases too deep for the blasts to have much effect. Laying the charges was also a dangerous business. The commando was substantially reinforced in the last week of November, many of the new arrivals being drawn from friendly African tribes in the northern and eastern parts of the Republic. In early December, part of the force was deployed against Mampuru. Accompanying the Boers were a large number of Pedi, who had been loyal to the late Sekhukhune and were eager to avenge his murder. On 7 December, this combined force launched a determined assault, only to retreat in some confusion in the face of an unexpected, well coordinated counter-attack by over 600 of the Ndzundza. Two days later in an early morning raid, dozens of Ndzundza were driven into a cave and all but six of them were shot or asphyxiated in the course of being smoked out.

Two days into the new year, the commandos attacked KwaMrhali (Boskop) and eventually took it after a fierce firefight. On 5 February, General Joubert mustered his forces for a determined second assault on KwaPondo, which had withstood the besiegers for three months. The battle began just before daybreak and raged all morning. The burghers and their African auxiliaries, in the teeth of a stubborn resistance, were forced to clear the stronghold ledge by ledge and cave by cave. Many lay dead and wounded before the fortress fell. The hill's fortifications were dynamited that same day to prevent the Ndzundza from reoccupying the position.

Now only KoNomtjarhelo was left. General Joubert and his war council ruled out storming the position and decided instead to use dynamite against it. This would entail digging a trench up to the base of the mountain, tunnelling deeply under it and laying sufficient charge to bring it all crashing down. It was indeed a bizarre and tortuous strategy, certainly amongst the most curious ever to have been devised in modern warfare. Digging commenced on 2 March. Unusually heavy rains that season had softened the ground, and after only a week the trench had been brought to within 400 metres of its objective. The diggers were harassed constantly by snipers. The real threat to the Ndzundza by then was imminent starvation. Four months of relentless attrition had seen their once plentiful food stocks steadily dwindled. By early April, all the chiefs of the Ndzundza had submitted to the invaders. Nyabela was promised that his own life would be spared and his people allowed to remain on their lands if he did likewise. He chose to fight on instead, perhaps still hoping, even at that late stage, to emulate his father's achievement of withstanding the Boers.

Fighting petered out in the closing months of the war. Joubert was content to maintain his stranglehold until the inevitable surrender, receiving constant reports that the besieged Ndzundza were close to starvation. Most of the Boers merely lounged around in their forts, kicking their heels and waiting to be relieved. Some worked on the trench, which at least provided something to do. The Ndzundza harried the diggers as much as possible. In the middle of April, they staged a successful night attack, doing considerable damage and delaying operations by at least two weeks.

In the meantime, one member of the commando, evidently a Scotsman by the name of Donald MacDonald, had defected to Nyabela. MacDonald proved to be of some use to his new comrades-in-arms. Amongst other things, he suggested to Nyabela to catapult large boulders down onto those working below. This tactic was one of the reasons that the Boers introduced a mobile iron fort to assist them with the digging. About two metres long, with two wheels inside and eight loopholes for firing, clumsy and unwieldy, it at least ensured that work on the trench could continue in relative safety. Shielded by the iron fort, the diggers managed to reach the base of the hill without further mishap. They commenced tunnelling underneath it, but had not progressed very far when they were held up by a bed of rock. Operations were suspended, permanently, as it turned out.

Even then, the Ndzundza continued to fight back. Early in June, they launched a daring raid on the Boer kraals and netted themselves some 200 oxen, enabling them to hold out a little longer. At the end of the month, they also proved equal to the first and only attempt to take the stronghold by storm. About seventy of the bolder Boers, frustrated by the tedium of the siege, volunteered to rush KoNomtjharhelo and get it all over with. They had climbed to within fifteen metres of the crest when an Ndzundza counter-attacked, hurling down a continuous hail of stones and bullets pitching the attackers headlong down the way they had come.

On 8 July, Nyabela belatedly decided to sacrifice Mampuru in the slender hope that this would end the siege. The Pedi fugitive was seized, trussed up and delivered to General Joubert, but the offering came too late. The prolonged campaign had cost the Transvaal Republic a small fortune (the Transvaal Volksraad later estimated the war costs to be £40 766) in addition to many burgher lives lost, and General Joubert was now bent on forcing an unconditional surrender. This came two days later. Nyabela gave himself up, along with about 8 000 of his warriors who had stayed by him to the end. As reparations, the entire Ndebele country was usurped.

Nyabela and Mampuru were tried in Pretoria and sentenced to death. Mampuru was hanged for his part in the murder of Sekhukhune. Fortunately, Nyabela was had his sentenced to reduced to life imprisonment, he spent fifteen years in captivity before being released. He died on 19 December 1902 at eMlalaganye (The Place Where One Will Sleep Only Once), Hartebeestfontein, near Pretoria.

The post-war settlement imposed by the ZAR was harsh. The amaNdebele social, economic and political structures were abolished and a proclamation on 31 August 1883 divided 36 000 hectares of land among the white burghers who had fought in the campaign against Nyabela, each man receiving seven hectares. Followers of the defeated chiefs were scattered around the republic and indentured to white farmers as virtual slave labourers for renewable five-year periods. In 1895, this whole country, now called Mapoch's Gronden, was incorporated as the fourth ward of the Middelburg District.

KwaNdebele Bantustan

In the Manala capital of KoMjekejeke, Silamba had died in 1892 and the Manala throne moved to his son Mdedlangeni. Like his father, Mdedlangeni made great attempts to resist the expansion of The Transvaal Republic. Mdedlangeni died under mysterious circumstances. Mdedlangeni was succeeded by his brother Libangeni who ruled as regent for Mdedlangeni's son Mabhena II. It is not known when Mabhena II ascended to the leadership of the Manala Ndebele. Mabhena II died in 1906 and was succeeded by his son Mbhongo I. Mbhongo I moved from KoMjekejeke to Jakkelsdans and in 1926 bought a farm near Klipkoppies along the Klipruit and established a new settlement called LoDini.

After Nyabela, The throne passed to Nyabela's nephew Mfene who was the son of Mkhephuli also called Soqaleni. In approximately 1904, Mfene moved from eMlalaganye and bought the farm 'Welgelegen' 60 km (37 mi) north east of Pretoria and established what would become modern day KwaMhlanga.

This site of eMlalaganye, which was on property owned by the Wolmarans family would become a Ndebele settlement called KwaMsiza and was ultimately sold in 1952 to build the Wonderboom Airport. The community of Msiza moved to the Winterveld region north of Mabopane and built new community appearing on road signs and various maps as either KwaMapoch, Speelman's Kraal, or simply as The Ndebele Village. Its residents however, prefer the term KwaMsiza.

In 1921, Mfene died at KwaMhlanga, and his son Mayitjha I succeeded him, buying his own ground at Weltevreden near Dennilton in the South Central Transvaal, where he constructed KwaSimuyembiwa (eMthambothini). This settlement would later

On the 3rd of March 1970, The Bantu Homelands Citizenship Act, 1970 (Act No. 26 of 1970; subsequently renamed the Black States Citizenship Act, 1970 and the National States Citizenship Act, 1970) was passed into Law by the Apartheid government. This law was a Self Determination or denaturalization law passed that allocated various tribes/nations of black South Africans as citizens of their traditional black tribal "homelands," or Bantustans. This led to the establishment of the KwaNdebele 'Homeland' in 1977 with Mfene's KwaSimuyembiwa forming part of the new capital Siyabuswa.

The majority of Ndebele living in this Bantustan were Ndzundza and many attempts were made to have more Manala move into the KwaNdebele homeland. Tensions however would rise when the issue of KwaNdebele independence emerged in the early 1980s came up, as members of the cabinet promised to make the present numerically smaller Manala supreme paramount of amaNdebele on the basis that the land where KwaNdebele was created originally belonged to the Manala kingdom.

In 1977, three tribal authorities in the Hammanskraal district in Bophuthatswana, the Litho under Lazarus Mahlangu, the Pungutsha under Isaac Mahlangu and the Manala under Alfred Mabena - seceded from Bophuthatswana with the land and people under their jurisdiction, and joined KwaNdebele. These three tribal authorities combined to form Mnyamana Regional Authority, and the Ndzundza Regional Authority formed the South Ndebele Territorial Authority.

With the establishment of a legislative assembly in 1979, tensions in the agendas of some of the Ndzundza-Mabhoko traditional leaders and their councillors began to emerge. The legislative assembly involved a 46-member body with a six-member cabinet appointed by the Chief minister. All 46 members were nominated by the four tribal authorities. However, once nominated, a tribal authority could not recall a Member of Parliament. Only the assembly itself could remove a Member of Parliament. The Chief Minister also had the right to appoint or remove traditional leaders.

The creation of the legislative assembly resulted in a shift in the balance of power from the traditional authorities to the legislative authorities made up of appointees. By early 1985, the split between 'traditionalist' chiefs and the legislature became apparent when Lazarus Mahlangu of the Litho Tribal Authority wrote a letter in which the tribal authority stated that it wished to excise itself from KwaNdebele and rejoin Bophuthatswana. Mahlangu was a Ndzundza traditionalist who had seceded from Bophuthatswana in 1977. The reasons given were that the administration of Simon Skosana interfered in 'traditional affairs' and dictated to, rather than consulted with, the tribal authority. A symptom of this subordinate relationship was the desire of the tribal authority to replace its nominated member of parliament with other nominees, as the present Member of Parliament was not carrying out the instructions of the tribal authority. However, once nominated, Members of Parliament could only be removed by the assembly. The tribal authority also complained that it was being ignored by the magistrate and the Commissioner General. In July 1985, Skosana withdrew recognition of Mahlangu as chief.

In 1994 The African National Congress won the 1994 General election and The Bantu Homelands Citizenship Act was repealed on 27 April 1994 by the Interim Constitution of South Africa. Thus KwaNdebele and its subjects were incorporated into the Republic of South Africa

Social and cultural life

Internal political and social structures

The authority over a tribe was vested in the tribal head (iKosi), assisted by an inner or family council (iimphakathi). Wards (izilindi) were administered by ward heads and the family groups within the wards were governed by the heads of the families. The residential unit of each family was called an umuzi. The umuzi usually consisted of a family head (unnumzana) with his wife and unmarried children. If he had more than one wife, the umuzi was divided into two halves, a right and a left half, to accommodate the different wives. An umuzi sometimes grew into a more complex dwelling unit when the head's married sons and younger brothers joined the household. Every tribe consisted of a number of patrilineal clans or izibongo. This meant that every clan consisted of a group of individuals who shared the same ancestor in the paternal line.

Personal adornment

Ndebele women traditionally adorned themselves with a variety of ornaments, each symbolising her status in society. After marriage, dresses became increasingly elaborate and spectacular. In earlier times, the Ndebele wife would wear copper and brass rings around her arms, legs and neck, symbolising her bond and faithfulness to her husband, once her home was built. She would only remove the rings after his death. The rings (called idzila) were believed to have strong ritual powers. Husbands used to provide their wives with rings; the richer the husband, the more rings the wife would wear. Today, it is no longer common practice to wear these rings permanently. In addition to the rings, married women also wore neck hoops made of grass (called isirholwani) twisted into a coil and covered in beads, particularly for ceremonial occasions. Linrholwani are sometimes worn as neckpieces and as leg and arm bands by newly wed women whose husbands have not yet provided them with a home, or by girls of marriageable age after the completion of their initiation ceremony (ukuthomba). Married women also wore a five-fingered apron (called an itjhorholo) to mark the culmination of the marriage, which only takes place after the birth of the first child. The marriage blanket (untsurhwana) worn by married women was decorated with beadwork to record significant events throughout the woman's lifetime. For example, long beaded strips signified that the woman's son was undergoing the initiation ceremony and indicated that the woman had now attained a higher status in Ndebele society. It symbolised joy because her son had achieved manhood as well as the sorrow at losing him to the adult world. A married woman always wore some form of head covering as a sign of respect for her husband. These ranged from a simple beaded headband or a knitted cap to elaborate beaded headdresses (amacubi). Boys usually went naked or wore a small front apron of goatskin. However, girls wore beaded aprons or beaded wraparound skirts from an early age. For rituals and ceremonies, Ndebele men adorned themselves with ornaments made for them by their wives.

Art

Traditional Ndebele architecture at Lesedi Cultural Village.

Special occasions

Initiation

In Ndebele culture, the initiation rite, symbolising the transition from childhood to adulthood, plays an important role. Initiation schools for boys are held every four years and for girls, as soon as they get into puberty stage. During the period of initiation, relatives and friends come from far and wide to join in the ceremonies and activities associated with initiation. Boys are initiated as a group when they are about 18 years of age when a special regiment (iintanga) is set up and led by a boy of high social rank. Each regiment has a distinguishing name. Among the Ndzundza tribe there is a cycle of 15 such regimental names, allocated successively, and among the Manala there is a cycle of 13 such names.

During initiation girls wear an array of colourful beaded hoops (called iinrholwani) around their legs, arms, waist and neck. The girls are kept in isolation and are prepared and trained to become homemakers and matriarchs. The coming-out ceremony marks the conclusion of the initiation school and the girls then wear stiff rectangular aprons (called iphephetu), beaded in geometric and often three-dimensional patterns, to celebrate the event. After initiation, these aprons are replaced by stiff, square ones, made from hardened leather and adorned with beadwork.

Courtship and marriage

Marriages were only concluded between members of different clans, that is, between individuals who did not have the same clan name. However, a man could marry a woman from the same family as his paternal grandmother. The prospective bride was kept secluded for two weeks before the wedding in a specially made structure in her parents' house, to shield her from men's eyes. When the bride emerged from her seclusion, she was wrapped in a blanket and covered by an umbrella that was held for her by a younger girl (called Ipelesi) who also attended to her other needs. On her marriage, the bride was given a marriage blanket, which she would, in time, adorn with beadwork, either added to the blanket's outer surface or woven into the fabric. After the wedding, the couple lived in the area belonging to the husband's clan. Women retained the clan name of their fathers but children born of the marriage took their father's clan name.

PEDI PEOPLE

The Pedi People

/pɛdi/ or Bapedi /bæˈpɛdi/ - also known as the Northern Sotho,[2] Basotho ba Lebowa, bakgatla ba dithebe, Transvaal Sotho, Marota, or Dikgoshi - are a Sotho-Tswana ethnic group native to South Africa, Botswana, and Lesotho that speak Pedi or Sepedi, which is one of the 12 official languages in South Africa. They are primarily situated in Limpopo, Gauteng and northern Mpumalanga.

The Pedi people are part of the Bantu ethnic group. Their common ancestors, along with the Sotho and Tswana, migrated from East Africa to South Africa no later than the 7th century CE. Over time, they emerged as a distinct people between the 15th and 18th centuries, with some settling in the northern region of the Transvaal. The Pedi maintained close ties with their relatives and neighboring tribes.

Towards the end of the 18th century, the primary Pedi state was established, led by supreme leaders from the Maroteng clan. In the early 19th century, the Pedi state faced significant challenges from the Nguni, particularly the Northern Ndebele under Mzilikazi[10] and the Swati. A pivotal figure in preserving the Pedi state was Sekwati (1827–1861), the paramount leader who introduced reforms in the military and internal administration and welcomed Christian missionaries.

After Sekwati I's passing, his son Sekhukhune took control but reversed some reforms, including Christianization. From 1876 to 1879, the Pedi engaged in wars with the Boers and the British, resulting in defeat and the Pedi state falling under Boer influence. In 1882, Sekhukhune was assassinated by conspirators, leading to the dismantling of the monarchy and statehood. In 1885, the Transvaal government only allocated a small territory to the Pedi, with the majority of the people living outside of it.

In the 1950s, the Sotho language committee recognized the Pedi language as distinct from Sesotho.

Throughout history, the Pedi actively participated in the struggle against colonization and apartheid in South Africa, joining the broader movement of African peoples fighting for their rights and freedom.

Name and Terminology

Rev. Alexander Merensky, a German missionary, had an extensive understanding of the Bapedi tribe, surpassing that of any other European of his time. According to Merensky, Sekhukhune's people were a fusion of various tribes, with the most significant group identifying as the "Bapedi" or "Baperi," meaning the "Family of the King." This tribe had settled along the Steelpoort River nearly two centuries prior, and Merensky found the name of their kingdom, 'Biri,' on antique Portuguese maps.

The origin of the Bapedi name is uncertain, but it may have come from an ancestral figure or the land they inhabited. What is significant is that the tribe founded by Thobela and its various divisions revered the porcupine as their totem and identified as Bapedi.

History

South Africa in 1885.

A Pedi woman breastfeeding. Alfred Duggan-Cronin. South Africa, early 20th century. The Wellcome Collection, London

Early history

Proto-Sotho people are thought to have migrated south from eastern Africa (around the African Great Lakes) in successive waves spanning five centuries. They made their way along with modern-day western Zimbabwe, with the last group of Sotho speakers, the Hurutse, settling in the region west of Gauteng around the 16th century. The Pedi people originated from the Kgatla offshoot, a group of Tswana speakers. In about 1650, they settled in the area to the south of the Steelpoort River. Over several generations, linguistic and cultural homogeneity developed to a certain degree. Only in the last half of the 18th century did they broaden their influence over the region, establishing the Pedi paramountcy by bringing smaller neighboring chiefdoms under their control.

During migrations in and around this area, groups of people from diverse origins began to concentrate around dikgoro, or ruling nuclear groups. They identified themselves through symbolic allegiances to totemic animals such as tau (lion), kolobe (pig), and kwena (crocodile). The Pedi people show a considerable amount of Khoisan admixture.

The Marota Empire/ Pedi Kingdom

The Pedi polity under King Thulare (c. 1780–1820) was made up of land that stretched from present-day Rustenburg to the lowveld in the west and as far south as the Vaal River. Pedi power was undermined during the Mfecane by Ndwandwe invaders from the south-east. A period of dislocation followed, after which the polity was re-stabilized under Thulare's son, Sekwati.

Sekwati succeeded Thulare as paramount chief of the Pedi in the northern Transvaal (Limpopo) and was frequently in conflict with the Matabele under Mzilikazi and plundered by the Zulu and the Swazi. Sekwati has also engaged in numerous negotiations and struggles for control over land and labor with the Afrikaans-speaking farmers (Boers) who have since settled in the region.

These disputes over land occurred after the founding of Ohrigstad in 1845, but after the town was incorporated into the Transvaal Republic in 1857 and the Republic of Lydenburg was formed, an agreement was reached that the Steelpoort River was the border between the Pedi and the Republic. The Pedi were well equipped to defend themselves, though, as Sekwati and his heir, Sekhukhune I were able to procure firearms, mostly through migrant labor to the Kimberley diamond fields and as far as Port Elizabeth. The Pedi paramountcy's power was also cemented by the fact that chiefs of subordinate villages, or kgoro, took their principal wives from the ruling house. This system of cousin marriage resulted in the perpetuation of marriage links between the ruling house and the subordinate groups and involved the payment of an inflated magadi, or brideprice mostly in the form of cattle, to the Maroteng house.

Swazi Campaigns

The Campaigns against the Pedi refer to a sequence of military operations undertaken by the Swazi in their endeavors to subjugate the Pedi people. Despite their persistent efforts, the Swazi forces faced significant challenges in conquering the Pedi's formidable mountain fortresses, which served as robust strongholds for the Pedi people. As a consequence of the Swazi's inability to completely overpower the Pedi, some Pedi fugitives successfully reassembled, allowing them to sustain their resistance against the Swazi forces.

Sekhukhune Wars

King Sekhukhune 1881

Sekhukhune I succeeded his father in 1861 and repelled an attack against the Swazi. At the time, there were also border disputes with the Transvaal, which led to the formation of Burgersfort, which was manned by volunteers from Lydenburg. By the 1870s, the Pedi were one of three alternative sources of regional authority, alongside the Swazi and the ZAR (Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek).

Over time, tensions increased after Sekhukhune refused to pay taxes to the Transvaal government, and the Transvaal declared war in May 1876. It became known as the Sekhukhune War, the outcome of which was that the Transvaal commando's attack failed. After this, volunteers nevertheless continued to devastate Sekhukhune's land and provoke unrest, to the point where peace terms were met in 1877.

Unrest continued, and this became a justification for the British annexing the Transvaal in April 1877 under Sir Theophilus Shepstone. Following the annexation, the British also declared war on Sekhukhune I under Sir Garnet Wolseley, and defeated him in 1879. Sekhukhune was then imprisoned in Pretoria, but later released after the first South African War, when the Transvaal regained independence.

However, soon after his release, Sekhukhune was murdered by his half-brother Mampuru,[18] and because his heir had been killed in the war and his grandson, Sekhukhune II was too young to rule, one of his other half-brothers, Kgoloko, assumed power as regent.

Apartheid

In 1885, an area of 1,000 square kilometres (390 sq mi) was set aside for the Pedi, known as Geluk Location created by the Transvaal Republic's Native Location Commission. Later, according to apartheid segregation policy, the Pedi would be assigned the homeland of Lebowa.

Culture

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Use of Totems

Like the other Sotho-Tswana groups, the Bapedi people use totems to identify sister clans and kinship. The most widely used totems in Sepedi are as follows:

EnglishPedi

WarthogKolobe

LionTau

CrocodileKwena

PorcupineNoko

MonkeyKgabo

BuckPhuthi

PangolinKgaka

BuffaloNare

ElephantTlou

Settlements

In pre-conquest times, people settled on elevated sites in relatively large villages, divided into kgoro (pl. dikgoro, groups centered on agnatic family clusters). Each consisted of a group of households in huts built around a central area that served as a meeting place, cattle byre, graveyard, and ancestral shrine. Households' huts were ranked in order of seniority. Each wife of a polygynous marriage had her own round thatched hut, joined to other huts by a series of open-air enclosures (lapa) encircled by mud walls. Older boys and girls, respectively, would be housed in separate huts. Aspirations to live in a more modern style, along with practicality, have led most families to abandon the round hut style for rectangular, flat-tin-roofed houses. Processes of forced and semi-voluntary relocation and an apartheid government planning scheme implemented in the name of "betterment", have meant that many newer settlements and the outskirts of many older ones consist of houses built in grid formation, occupied by individual families unrelated to their neighbors.

Politics

Kgoshi – a loose collection of kinsmen with related males at its core, was as much a jural unit as a kinship one, since membership was defined by acceptance of the kgoro-head's authority rather than primarily by descent. Royal or chiefly kgoros sometimes underwent rapid subdivision as sons contended for positions of authority.

Marriage

Marriage was patrilocal. Polygamy was practiced mostly by people of higher, especially chiefly, status. Marriage was preferred with a close or classificatory cousin, especially a mother's brother's daughter, but this preference was most often realized in the case of ruling or chiefly families. Practiced by the ruling dynasty, during its period of dominance, it represented a system of political integration and control over the recycling of bridewealth (dikgomo di boela shakeng; returning of bride cattle). Cousin marriage meant that the two sets of prospective in-laws were closely connected even before the event of a marriage, and went along with an ideology of sibling-linkage, through which the Magadi (bridewealth) procured for a daughter's marriage would, in turn, be used to get a bride for her brother, and he would repay his sister by offering a daughter to her son in marriage. Cousin marriage is still practiced, but less frequently. Polygyny too is now rare, many marriages end in divorce or separation, and a large number of young women remain single and raise their children in small (and often very poor) female-headed households. But new forms of domestic cooperation have come into being, often between brothers and sisters, or matrilineally linked relatives.[original research?]

Inheritance

Previously, the oldest son of a household within a polygynous family would inherit the house-property of his mother, including its cattle, and was supposed to act as custodian of these goods for the benefit of the household's other children. With the decline of cattle-keeping and the sharp increase in land shortages, this has switched to a system of last-born inheritance, primarily of land.

Initiation

The life cycle for both sexes was differentiated by important rituals. Both girls and boys underwent initiation. Boys (bašemane, later mašoboro) spent their youth looking after cattle at remote outposts in the company of peers and older youths. Circumcision and initiation at koma (initiation school), held about once every five years, socialized youths into groups of cohorts or regiments (mephato) bearing the leader's name, whose members then maintained lifelong loyalty to each other, and often traveled together to find work on the farms or in the mines. Girls attended their own koma and were initiated into their own regiments (ditswa-bothuku), usually two years after the boys. Initiation is still practiced, and provides a considerable income to the chiefs who license it for a fee or, in recent years, to private entrepreneurs who have established initiation schools beyond the chiefs' jurisdiction.

Music and Arts

Traditional Dancers Performing at a wedding

Important crafts included metalsmithing, beadwork, pottery, house building and painting, and woodworking (especially the making of drums).

The arts of the Pedi are known for metal forging, beading, pottery, woodworking, much more in drum making, and also painting.[20]

Mmino wa Setšo

Pedi music consists of a single six-note scale traditionally played on reeds, but currently it is played more on a jaw harp or autoharp. Migrants influenced by Kibala music play aluminum pipes of different heights to reproduce vocal harmonies. In traditional dances, women dance on their knees, usually accompanied by drums, backing vocals, and a lead singer. These dances involve vigorous topless shaking from the upper torso while the women kneel on the floor.

Songs are also part of Pedi culture. While working, the Pedi sang together to finish the job faster. They had A song about killing a Lion to become a man; it was a bit peculiar. The act of killing a Lion is very unusual and is no longer practiced. In fact, it was so unusual that if a boy was successful, he would get high status and the ultimate prize - marrying the chief's daughter. The Bapedi also have different types of cultural music:

Mpepetlwane: played by young girls;
Mmatšhidi: played by older men and women;
Kiba / Dinaka: played by men and boys and now joined by women;
Dipela: played by everyone
Makgakgasa is also played by older women.

Pedi music (mmino wa setso: traditional music, lit. music of origin) has a six-note scale. The same applies to variants of Mmino wa Setšo as practiced by Basotho ba Leboa (Northern Sotho) tribes in the Capricorn, Blouberg, Waterberg districts, as well as BaVhenda in the Vhembe district. Mmino wa Setšo (indigenous African music) can also be construed as African musicology, a concept that is often used to distinguish the study of indigenous African music from the dominant ethnomusicology discipline in academia. Ethnomusicology has a strong footprint in academia spanning several decades. Such a presence is evident in ethnomusicology journals that can be traced back to the 1950s. Ethnomusicologists who study indigenous African music have been criticized for studying the subject from a subjective Western point of view, especially given the dominance of the Western musical canon in South Africa] In South Africa, authors such as Mapaya indicate that for many years, African Musicology has been studied from a multi-cultural perspective without success. Scholars of African Musicology such as Agawu, Mapaya, Nketia, and Nzewi emphasize the study of indigenous African music from the perspective, and language of the practitioners (baletši). These scholars argue for the study of African Musicology from an angle that elevates the practitioners, their actions, and their interactions.

Categories of Mmino wa Setšo

Mmino wa Setšo in Limpopo province has a number of categories. Categories of Mmino wa Setšo are distinguished according to the function they serve in the community.

Dinaka/Kiba

The peak of Pedi (and northern Sotho) musical expression is arguably the kiba genre, which has transcended its rural roots to become a migrant style. In its men's version, it features an ensemble of players, each playing an aluminum end-blown pipe of a different pitch (naka, pl. dinaka) and together producing a descending melody that mimics traditional vocal songs with richly harmonized qualities. Mapaya provides a detailed descriptive analysis of Dinaka/Kiba music and dance, from a Northern Sotho perspective.

Alternatives to Dinaka or Kiba

In the women's version, a development of earlier female genres that has recently been included within the definition of kiba, a group of women sing songs (koša ya dikhuru, loosely translated: knee-dance music). This translation has its roots in the traditional kneeling dance that involves salacious shaking movements of the breasts accompanied by chants. These dances are still very common among Tswana, Sotho, and Nguni women. This genre comprises sets of traditional songs steered by a lead singer accompanied by a chorus and an ensemble of drums (meropa), previously wooden but now made of oil drums and milk urns. These are generally sung at drinking parties and/or during celebrations such as weddings.

Mmino wa bana

Children occupy a special place in the broader category of Mmino wa Setšo. Research shows that mmino wa bana can be examined for its musical elements, educational validity, and general social functions

Pedi Heartland

The present-day Pedi area, Sekhukhuneland, is situated between the Olifants River (Lepelle) and its tributary, the Steelpoort River (Tubatse); bordered on the east by the Drakensberg range, and crossed by the Leolo mountains. But at the height of its power, the Pedi polity under Thulare (about 1780–1820) included an area stretching from the site of present-day Rustenburg in the west to the Lowveld in the east, and ranging as far south as the Vaal River. Reliable historians and sources also credit the Pedi kingdom as the first and dominant monarchy established in the region. The kingdom, which boasted numerous victories over the Boers and the British armies, was one of the strongest and largest in Southern Africa in the mid- to late 1800s under the warrior king Sekhukhune I, whose kingdom stretched from the Vaal River in the south to the Limpopo River in the north.

Apartheid

The area under Pedi's control was severely limited when the polity was defeated by British troops in 1879. Reserves were created for this and for other Northern Sotho groups by the Transvaal Republic's Native Location Commission. Over the next hundred years or so, these reserves were then variously combined and separated by a succession of government planners. By 1972, this planning had culminated in the creation of an allegedly independent national unit, or homeland, named Lebowa. In terms of the government's plans to accommodate ethnic groups separated from each other, this was designed to act as a place of residence for all Northern Sotho speakers. But many Pedi had never resided here: since the polity's defeat, they had become involved in a series of labor-tenancy or sharecropping arrangements with white farmers, lived as tenants on crown land, purchased farms communally as freeholders, or moved to live in the townships adjoining Pretoria and Johannesburg on a permanent or semi-permanent basis. In total, however, the population of the Lebowa homeland increased rapidly after the mid-1950s, due to the forced relocations from rural areas and cities in common South Africa undertaken by apartheid's planners, and to voluntary relocations by which former labor tenants sought independence from the restrictive and deprived conditions under which they had lived on the white farms.

Subsistence and economy

Overgrazed Bapedi reserve near Pietersburg, Drakensberg

The pre-conquest economy combined cattle-keeping with hoe cultivation. The principal crops were sorghum, pumpkins, and legumes, which were grown by women on fields allocated to them when they married. Women hoed and weeded, did pottery, built and decorated huts with mud; made sleeping mats and baskets, ground grain, cooked, brewed, and collected water and wood. Men did some work in fields at peak times; they hunted and herded; they did woodwork, prepared hides, and were metal workers and smiths. Most major tasks were done communally by matsema (work parties).

The chief was depended upon to perform rainmaking for his subjects. The introduction of the animal-drawn plow, and of maize, later transformed the labor division significantly, especially when combined with the effects of labor migration. Men's leaving home to work for wages was initially undertaken by regimental groups of youths to satisfy the paramount's firepower requirements but later became increasingly necessary to individual households as population increase within the reserve and land degradation made it impossible to subsist from cultivation alone. Despite increasingly long absences, male migrants nonetheless remained committed to the maintenance of their fields; plowing had now to be carried out during periods of leave or entrusted to professional plowmen or tractor owners. Women were left to manage and carry out all other agricultural tasks. Men, although subjected to increased controls in their lives as wage-laborers, fiercely resisted all direct attempts to interfere with the spheres of cattle-keeping and agriculture. Their resistance erupted in open rebellion, ultimately subdued, during the 1950s. In later decades, some families have continued to practice cultivation and keep stock.

In the early 1960s, about 48% of the male population was absent as wage-earners at any given time. Between the 1930s and the 1960s, most Pedi men would spend a short period working on nearby white farms, followed by a move to employment in the mines or domestic service, and later, especially in more recent times, to factories or industry. Female wage employment began more recently and is rarer and more sporadic. Some women work for short periods on farms; others have begun, since the 1960s, to work in domestic service in the towns of the Witwatersrand. But in recent years, there have been rising levels of education and expectations, combined with a sharp drop in employment rates.

Land tenure

The pre-colonial system of communal or tribal tenure, which was broadly similar to that practiced throughout the southern African region, was crystallized but subtly altered, by the colonial administration. A man was granted land by the chief for each of his wives; unused land was reallocated by the chief rather than being inherited within families. Overpopulation resulting from the government's relocation policies resulted in this system being modified; a household's fields, together with its residential plot, are now inherited, ideally by the youngest married son. Christian Pedi communities that owned freehold farms were removed to the reserve without compensation, but since 1994, many have now reoccupied their land or are preparing to do so, under restitution legislation.

Religion

Ancestors are viewed as intermediaries between humans and The Creator or God (Modimo/Mmopi) and are communicated to by calling on them using a process of burning incense, making an offering, and speaking to them (go phasa). If necessary, animal sacrifice may be done or beer presented to the children on both the mother's and father's sides. A key figure in the family ritual was the kgadi (who was usually the father's elder sister). The position of ngaka (diviner) was formerly inherited patrilineally but is now commonly inherited by a woman from her paternal grandfather or great-grandfather. This is often manifested through illness and through violent possession by spirits (malopo) of the body, the only cure for which is to train as a diviner. There has been a proliferation of diviners in recent times, with many said to be motivated mainly by a desire for material gain.

African Art - Masks - Paintings of Many African Tribes

The Rich Diversity Of Indigenous Tribes

Experience the rich tapestry of South Africa’s indigenous tribes, each steeped in vibrant traditions, customs, and a unique cultural heritage that has been preserved for generations. Journey through the diverse landscapes of the region to uncover the fascinating stories and practices of these ancient communities.

The indigenous tribes of South Africa have a rich history and diverse cultural heritage.

The country is home to various tribes, each with distinctive customs and traditions.

These tribes are spread across different regions of South Africa.

They vary in both population size and linguistic diversity.

Some tribes have large populations while others are smaller in number.

Each tribe also has its unique language and dialect, adding to the country’s cultural tapestry.

Traditional Beliefs And Spiritual Practices

The indigenous tribes of South Africa uphold traditional beliefs and spiritual practices, deeply rooted in their customs and heritage. These traditions are passed down through generations, shaping their cultural identity and connection to the land. Their spiritual rituals and ceremonies are integral to their way of life, reflecting a profound respect for nature and ancestral wisdom.

Indigenous Tribes of South Africa:

Traditional Beliefs and Spiritual Practices

Ancestral worship includes honoring ancestors for guidance and protection.
Connection to nature is central, viewing it as a living entity.
Rituals and ceremonies mark important life events and seasons.
Traditional healers play key roles in spiritual and physical well-being.

Traditional Art And Crafts

Traditional art and crafts play a significant role in showcasing the unique artistic expressions of indigenous tribes in South Africa. These tribes meticulously create stunning artwork using natural materials, which not only reflects their deep connection with nature but also has symbolic meanings. The use of natural materials such as wood, clay, beads, and feathers not only adds authenticity to their creations but also signifies their respect and reverence towards the environment.

Indigenous tribes in South Africa often incorporate symbolism in their artwork to communicate powerful messages and preserve their cultural heritage. Each piece of art holds a deeper meaning, narrating stories of ancestors, spirituality, and traditional beliefs. These symbolic representations provide a glimpse into their rich history, customs, and traditions.

From intricate wood carvings and beautifully beaded jewelry to vibrant paintings and pottery, the traditional art and crafts of indigenous tribes in South Africa captivate and mesmerize onlookers, showcasing their creativity, talent, and deep-rooted cultural values.

Oral Tradition And Storytelling

Oral tradition and storytelling are integral to the indigenous tribes of South Africa. The importance of oral history lies in preserving cultural heritage and passing down knowledge through generations. Myths, legends, and folktales are woven into the fabric of their storytelling, conveying morals and values. Additionally, rituals play a crucial role in ensuring the continuation of these traditions, creating a sense of communal identity and pride.

Land And Natural Resources

Indigenous tribes of South Africa have a deep connection to the land, which is integral to their traditions, customs, and heritage. They have a profound respect for their traditional land rights and prioritize conservation efforts to protect their natural resources. However, they face numerous challenges and threats to their territories, including land encroachment and unsustainable resource exploitation. Despite these obstacles, indigenous communities are steadfast in their commitment to safeguarding their land and natural resources for future generations.

Cultural Tourism And Preservation

Cultural tourism is crucial in promoting sustainable tourism, preserving the rich traditions, customs, and heritage of indigenous tribes in South Africa.

By embracing cultural tourism, indigenous communities can preserve their unique way of life, ensuring that their traditions are not lost to modernization.

Cultural exchange and understanding are integral in fostering mutual respect and appreciation. Through cultural tourism, visitors can engage with indigenous tribes, promoting a deeper understanding of their customs and heritage.

By participating in activities such as traditional dances, storytelling, and handicrafts, tourists can immerse themselves in the authentic experiences offered by indigenous tribes.

This exchange of knowledge and appreciation can help break stereotypes and misconceptions, fostering greater cultural tolerance and respect.

The Importance Of Indigenous Rights

Indigenous rights play a crucial role in preserving the rich traditions, customs, and heritage of South Africa’s Indigenous tribes. By protecting their rights, we ensure the continuity and appreciation of their valuable cultural heritage.

The Importance of Indigenous Rights

Recognition and protection of indigenous rights is crucial for their well-being.

Addressing historical injustices ensures a fair treatment for indigenous communities.

Advocacy and empowerment are vital for indigenous tribes to thrive and preserve their culture.

Frequently Asked Questions For Indigenous Tribes Of South Africa: Traditions, Customs, And Heritage

What Are The Indigenous Tribes Of South Africa?

The indigenous tribes of South Africa include the Zulu, Xhosa, Basotho, and many others. Each tribe has its own unique customs, traditions, and languages, contributing to the rich cultural heritage of the country.

What Are The Traditional Customs Of South African Tribes?

Traditional customs of South African tribes often include rites of passage, ceremonies, and practices that are passed down through generations. These customs play a significant role in preserving the cultural identity and heritage of the indigenous tribes.

How Do South African Tribes Preserve Their Heritage?

South African tribes preserve their heritage through oral storytelling, traditional music and dance, and the passing down of cultural practices from one generation to the next. These methods help to ensure that their rich traditions and customs endure over time.

Conclusion

The Indigenous tribes of South Africa embody a rich tapestry of traditions, customs, and heritage that have been passed down through generations. Through their vibrant rituals, art forms, and oral storytelling, these tribes have managed to preserve their unique identity and ancestral knowledge.

Exploring their ways of life and appreciation for nature is not only culturally enlightening but also allows a deeper understanding of our shared humanity. Immerse yourself in the wonders of South Africa’s indigenous tribes and embrace the beauty of their diverse heritage.

MAASAI PEOPLE

The Maasai Tribe Of East Africa

Maasai is the second most popular African tribe after Zulu; and it’s mainly because of its deeply rooted traditions and culture. Even when a great majority of African tribes are adopting a modern lifestyle; Maasais still live in Bomas and nomadically move around with large herds of cattle for a living.

They mainly feed on meat, drink raw animal blood, and can be spotted anywhere in East Africa; especially Kenya, wearing Shukas and exceptionally beaded jewels.

The Maasai (/ˈmɑːsaɪ, mɑːˈsaɪ/; Swahili: Wamasai) are a Nilotic ethnic group inhabiting northern, central and southern Kenya and northern Tanzania, near the African Great Lakes region. Their native language is the Maasai language, a Nilotic language related to Dinka, Kalenjin and Nuer. Except for some elders living in rural areas, most Maasai people speak the official languages of Kenya and Tanzania—Swahili and English.

The Maasai population has been reported as numbering 1,189,522 in Kenya in the 2019 census. compared to 377,089 in the 1989 census, though many Maasai view the census as government meddling and therefore either refuse to participate or actively provide false information.

History

The Maasai inhabit the African Great Lakes region and arrived via South Sudan. Most Nilotic speakers in the area, including the Maasai, the Turkana and the Kalenjin, are pastoralists and have a reputation as fearsome warriors and cattle rustlers. The Maasai and other groups in East Africa have adopted customs and practices from neighbouring Cushitic-speaking groups, including the age-set system of social organisation, circumcision, and vocabulary terms.

Origin, migration and assimilation

Maasai man

Many ethnic groups that had already formed settlements in the region were forcibly displaced[when?] by the incoming Maasai. Other, mainly Southern Cushitic groups, were assimilated into Maasai society. The Nilotic ancestors of the Kalenjin likewise absorbed some early Cushitic populations.

Settlement in East Africa

The Maasai territory reached its largest size in the mid-19th century and covered almost all of the Great Rift Valley and adjacent lands from Mount Marsabit in the north to Dodoma in the south. At this time the Maasai, as well as the larger Nilotic group they were part of, raised cattle as far east as the Tanga coast in Tanganyika (now mainland Tanzania). Raiders used spears and shields but were most feared for throwing clubs (orinka) which could be accurately thrown from up to 70 paces (approx. 100 metres). In 1852, there was a report of a concentration of 800 Maasai warriors on the move in what is now Kenya. In 1857, after having depopulated the "Wakuafi wilderness" in what is now southeastern Kenya, Maasai warriors threatened Mombasa on the Kenyan coast.

Maasai warriors in German East Africa, c. 1906–1918

Because of this migration, the Maasai are the southernmost Nilotic speakers. The period of expansion was followed by the Maasai "Emutai" of 1883–1902. This period was marked by epidemics of contagious bovine pleuropneumonia, rinderpest (see 1890s African rinderpest epizootic), and smallpox. The estimate first put forward by a German lieutenant in what was then northwest Tanganyika, was that 90% of cattle and half of wild animals perished from rinderpest. German doctors in the same area claimed that "every second" African had a pock-marked face as the result of smallpox. This period coincided with drought. Rains failed in 1897 and 1898.

The Austrian explorer Oscar Baumann travelled in Maasai lands between 1891 and 1893 and described the old Maasai settlement in the Ngorongoro Crater in the 1894 book Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle ("Through the lands of the Maasai to the source of the Nile"). By one estimate two-thirds of the Maasai died during this period. Maasai in Tanganyika (now mainland Tanzania) were displaced from the fertile lands between Mount Meru and Mount Kilimanjaro, and most of the fertile highlands near Ngorongoro in the 1940s. More land was taken to create wildlife reserves and national parks: Amboseli National Park, Nairobi National Park, Maasai Mara, Samburu National Reserve, Lake Nakuru National Park and Tsavo in Kenya; and Lake Manyara, Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Tarangire[22] and Serengeti National Park in what is now Tanzania.

Maasai are pastoralists and have resisted the urging of the Tanzanian and Kenyan governments to adopt a more sedentary lifestyle. They have demanded grazing rights to many of the national parks in both countries.

The Maasai people stood against slavery and never condoned the traffic of human beings, and outsiders looking for people to enslave avoided the Maasai.

Essentially there are twenty-two geographic sectors or sub-tribes of the Maasai community, each one having its customs, appearance, leadership and dialects. These subdivisions are known as 'nations' or 'iloshon' in the Maa language: the Keekonyokie, Ildamat, Purko, Wuasinkishu, Siria, Laitayiok, Loitai, Ilkisonko, Matapato, Dalalekutuk, Ilooldokilani, Ilkaputiei, Moitanik, Ilkirasha, Samburu, Ilchamus, Laikipiak, Loitokitoki, Larusa, Salei, Sirinket and Parakuyo.

Genetics

Recent advances in genetic analyses have helped shed some light on the ethnogenesis of the Maasai people. Genetic genealogy, a tool that uses the genes of modern populations to trace their ethnic and geographic origins, has also helped clarify the possible background of modern Maasai.

Autosomal DNA

The Maasai's autosomal DNA has been examined in a comprehensive study by Tishkoff et al. (2009) on the genetic affiliations of various populations in Africa. According to the study's authors, the Maasai "have maintained their culture in the face of extensive genetic introgression". Tishkoff et al. also indicate that: "Many Nilo-Saharan-speaking populations in East Africa, such as the Maasai, show multiple cluster assignments from the Nilo-Saharan [...] and Cushitic [...] AACs, in accord with linguistic evidence of repeated Nilotic assimilation of Cushites over the past 3000 years and with the high frequency of a shared East African–specific mutation associated with lactose tolerance."

Maasai display significant West-Eurasian admixture at roughly ~20%. This type of West-Eurasian ancestry reaches up to 40-50% among specific populations of the Horn of Africa, specifically among Amharas. Genetic data and archeologic evidence suggest that East African pastoralists received West Eurasian ancestry (~25%) through Afroasiatic-speaking groups from Northern Africa or the Arabian Peninsula, and later spread this ancestry component southwards into certain Khoisan groups roughly 2,000 years ago, resulting in ~5% West-Eurasian ancestry among Southern African hunter-gatherers.

A 2019 archaeogenetic study sampled ancient remains from Neolithic inhabitants of Tanzania and Kenya, and found them to have strongest affinities with modern Horn of Africa groups. They modelled the Maasai community as having ancestry that is ~47% Pastoral Neolithic Cushitic-related and ~53% Sudanese Dinka-related.

Y-DNA

A Y chromosome study by Wood et al. (2005) tested various Sub-Saharan populations, including 26 Maasai men from Kenya, for paternal lineages. The authors observed haplogroup E1b1b-M35 (not M78) in 35% of the studied Maasai. E1b1b-M35-M78 in 15%, their ancestor with the more northerly Cushitic men, who possess the haplogroup at high frequencies lived more than 13,000 years ago. The second most frequent paternal lineage among the Maasai was Haplogroup A3b2, which is commonly found in Nilotic populations, such as the Alur; it was observed in 27% of Maasai men. The third most frequently observed paternal DNA marker in the Maasai was E1b1a1-M2 (E-P1), which is very common in the Sub-Saharan region; it was found in 12% of the Maasai samples. Haplogroup B-M60 was also observed in 8% of the studied Maasai, which is also found in 30% (16/53) of Southern Sudanese Nilotes.

Mitochondrial DNA

According to an mtDNA study by Castri et al. (2008), which tested Maasai individuals in Kenya, the maternal lineages found among the Maasai are quite diverse but similar in overall frequency to that observed in other Nilo-Hamitic populations from the region, such as the Samburu. Most of the tested Maasai belonged to various macro-haplogroup L sub-clades, including L0, L2, L3, L4 and L5. Some maternal gene flow from North and Northeast Africa was also reported, particularly via the presence of mtDNA haplogroup M lineages in about 12.5% of the Maasai samples.

Culture

Maasai warriors confronting a spotted hyena, a common livestock predator, as photographed in In Wildest Africa (1907)

The monotheistic Maasai worship a single deity called Enkai, Nkai, or Engai. Engai has a dual nature, represented by two colours: Engai Narok (Black God) is benevolent, and Engai Na-nyokie (Red God) is vengeful.

There are also two pillars or totems of Maasai society: Oodo Mongi, the Red Cow and Orok Kiteng, the Black Cow with a subdivision of five clans or family trees. The Maasai also have a totemic animal, which is the lion. The killing of a lion is used by the Maasai in the rite of passage ceremony. The "Mountain of God", Ol Doinyo Lengai, is located in northernmost Tanzania and can be seen from Lake Natron in southernmost Kenya. The central human figure in the Maasai religious system is the laibon whose roles include shamanistic healing, divination and prophecy, and ensuring success in war or adequate rainfall. Today, they have a political role as well due to the elevation of leaders. Whatever power an individual laibon had was a function of personality rather than position. Many Maasai have also adopted Christianity or Islam. The Maasai produce intricate jewellery and sell these items to tourists.

Maasai people and huts with enkang barrier in foreground –eastern Serengeti, 2006

Educating Maasai women to use clinics and hospitals during pregnancy has enabled more infants to survive. The exception is found in extremely remote areas. A corpse rejected by scavengers is seen as having something wrong with it, and liable to cause social disgrace; therefore, it is not uncommon for bodies to be covered in fat and blood from a slaughtered ox.

Traditional Maasai lifestyle centres around their cattle, which constitute their primary source of food. In a patriarchal culture that views women as property, a man's wealth is measured in cattle, wives and children. A herd of 50 cattle is respectable, and the more wives and children the better. A man who has plenty of one but not the other is considered to be poor.

All of the Maasai's needs for food are met by their cattle. They eat their meat, drink their milk daily, and drink their blood on occasion. Bulls, goats, and lambs are slaughtered for meat on special occasions and ceremonies. Though the Maasai's entire way of life has historically depended on their cattle, more recently with their cattle dwindling, the Maasai have grown dependent on food such as sorghum, rice, potatoes and cabbage (known to the Maasai as goat leaves).

One common misconception about the Maasai is that each young man is supposed to kill a lion before he can be circumcised and enter adulthood. Lion hunting was an activity of the past, but it has been banned in East Africa – yet lions are still hunted when they maul Maasai livestock. Nevertheless, killing a lion gives one great value and celebrity status in the community.

Maasai school in Tanzania

Body modification

Maasai woman with stretched earlobes

The piercing and stretching of earlobes are common among the Maasai as with other tribes, and both men and women wear metal hoops on their stretched earlobes. Various materials have been used to both pierce and stretch the lobes, including thorns for piercing, twigs, bundles of twigs, stones, the cross-section of elephant tusks and empty film canisters. Women wear various forms of beaded ornaments in both the ear lobe and smaller piercings at the top of the ear. Among Maasai males, circumcision is practised as a ritual of transition from boyhood to manhood. Women are also circumcised (as described below in social organisation).

This belief and practice are not unique to the Maasai. In rural Kenya, a group of 95 children aged between six months and two years were examined in 1991/92. 87% were found to have undergone the removal of one or more deciduous canine tooth buds. In an older age group (3–7 years of age), 72% of the 111 children examined exhibited missing mandibular or maxillary deciduous canines.

Genital cutting

Young Maasai warrior (a junior Moran) with headdress and markings

Traditionally, the Maasai conduct elaborate rite of passage rituals which include surgical genital mutilation to initiate children into adulthood. The Maa word for circumcision, "emorata," is applied to this ritual for both males and females. This ritual is typically performed by the elders, who use a sharpened knife and makeshift cattle hide bandages for the procedure.

The male ceremony refers to the excision of the prepuce (foreskin). In the male ceremony, the boy is expected to endure the operation in silence. Expressions of pain bring dishonour upon him, albeit only temporarily. Importantly, any exclamations or unexpected movements on the part of the boy can cause the elder to make a mistake in the delicate and tedious process, which can result in severe lifelong scarring, dysfunction, and pain.

Young women also undergo female genital mutilation as part of an elaborate rite of passage ritual called "Emuatare," the ceremony that initiates young Maasai girls into adulthood through ritual mutilation and then into early arranged marriages. The Maasai believe that female genital mutilation is necessary and Maasai men may reject any woman who has not undergone it as either not marriageable or worthy of a much-reduced bride price. In Eastern Africa, uncircumcised women, even highly educated members of parliament like Linah Kilimo, can be accused of not being mature enough to be taken seriously. The Maasai activist Agnes Pareyio campaigns against the practice. The female rite of passage ritual has recently seen excision replaced in rare instances with a "cutting with words" ceremony involving singing and dancing in its place. However, despite changes to the law and education drives, the practice remains deeply ingrained, highly valued, and nearly universally practised by members of the culture.

Hair

Maasai woman with short hair

Upon reaching the age of 3 "moons", the child is named and the head is shaved clean apart from a tuft of hair, which resembles a cockade, from the nape of the neck to the forehead.

Among the men, warriors are the only members of the Maasai community to wear long hair, which they weave in thinly braided strands. Graduation from warrior to junior elder takes place at a large gathering known as Eunoto. The long hair of the former warriors is shaved off; elders must wear their hair short. Warriors who do not have sexual relations with women who have not undergone the "Emuatare" ceremony are especially honoured at the Eunoto gathering.

This would symbolise the healing of the woman.

Two days before boys are circumcised, their heads are shaved. When warriors go through the Eunoto and become elders, their long plaited hair is shaved off.

Music and dance

Traditional jumping dance

Maasai music traditionally consists of rhythms provided by a chorus of vocalists singing harmonies while a song leader, or olaranyani, sings the melody. Unlike most other African tribes, Maasai widely use drone polyphony.

Women chant lullabies, humming songs, and songs praising their sons. Nambas, the call-and-response pattern, repetition of nonsensical phrases, monophonic melodies, repeated phrases following each verse being sung on a descending scale, and singers responding to their verses are characteristic of singing by women. When many Maasai women gather together, they sing and dance among themselves.

Eunoto, the coming-of-age ceremony of the warrior, can involve ten or more days of singing, dancing and ritual. The warriors of the Il-Oodokilani perform a kind of march-past as well as the Adumu, or aigus, sometimes referred to as "the jumping dance" by non-Maasai. (Both adumu and aigus are Maa verbs meaning "to jump" with adumu meaning "To jump up and down in a dance".

Diet

A Maasai herdsman grazing his cattle inside the Ngorongoro crater, Tanzania

Traditionally, the Maasai diet consisted of raw meat, raw milk, honey and raw blood from cattle—note that the Maasai cattle are of the Zebu variety

Most of the milk is consumed as fermented milk or buttermilk (a by-product of butter making). Milk consumption figures are very high by any standards.

The Maasai herd goats and sheep, including the Red Maasai sheep, as well as the more prized cattle.

Although consumed as snacks, fruits constitute a major part of the food ingested by children and women looking after cattle as well as morans in the bush.

A tradition Medicines And Herbs Hawker From Maasai

Medicine

The Maasai people traditionally used the environment when making their medicines, and many still do, due to the high cost of Western treatments. These medicines are derived from trees, shrubs, stems, roots, etc. These can then be used in a multitude of ways including being boiled in soups and ingested to improve digestion and cleanse the blood. Some of these remedies can also be used in the treatment or prevention of diseases. The Maasai people also add herbs to different foods to avoid stomach upsets and give digestive aid. The use of plant-based medicine remains an important part of Maasai life.

Shelter

Shelter covered in cattle dung for waterproofing

Panoramic view of Maasai Enkang, seen from the inside

Panoramic view of Maasai Enkang, seen from the outside

Clothing

A Maasai woman wearing her finest clothes

Maasai clothing symbolises ethnic group membership, a pastoralist lifestyle, as well as an individual's social position. From this they can decide the roles they undertake for the tribe. Jewellery also can show an individual's gender, relationship status, and age. Maasai traditional clothing is both a means of tribal identification and symbolism: young men, for example, wear black for several months following their circumcision.

The Maasai began to replace animal skin, calf hides and sheep skin with commercial cotton cloth in the 1960s.

Shúkà is the Maa word for sheets traditionally worn and wrapped around the body. These are typically red, sometimes integrated with other colours and patterns.[100] One-piece garments known as kanga, a Swahili term, are common. Maasai near the coast may wear kikoi, a sarong-like garment that comes in many different colours and textiles

Influences from the outside world

Maasai women repairing a house in Maasai Mara (1996)

A traditional pastoral lifestyle has become increasingly difficult due to modern outside influences. Garrett Hardin's article outlining the "tragedy of the commons", as well as Melville Herskovits' "cattle complex" influenced ecologists and policymakers about the harm Maasai pastoralists were causing to savannah rangelands. This was later contested by some anthropologists. British colonial policymakers in 1951 removed all Maasai from the Serengeti National Park and relegated them to areas in and around the Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA).

Maasai wearing protective masks during COVID-19 pandemic.

Maasai riding a motorcycle (2014)

Due to an increasing population, loss of cattle due to disease, and lack of available rangelands because of new park boundaries and competition from other tribes, the Maasai were forced to develop new ways of sustaining themselves. Many Maasai began to cultivate maize and other crops to get by, a practice that was culturally viewed negatively. Cultivation was first introduced to the Maasai by displaced WaArusha and WaMeru women who married Maasai men.

In 1975 the Ngorongoro Conservation Area banned cultivation, forcing the tribe to participate in Tanzania's economy. They have to sell animals and traditional medicines to buy food. The ban on cultivation was lifted in 1992 and cultivation became an important part of Maasai livelihood once more. Park boundaries and land privatisation has continued to limit the Maasai livestock's grazing area.

Throughout the years, various projects have attempted to help the Maasai people. These projects help find ways to preserve Maasai traditions while also encouraging modern education for their children.

Emerging employment among the Maasai people include farming, business, and wage employment in both the public and private sectors.

Many Maasai have also moved away from the nomadic life to positions in commerce and government.

Eviction from ancestral land

The Maasai community was reportedly being targeted with live ammunition and tear gas in June 2022 in Tanzania, in a government plan to seize a piece of Maasai land for elite private luxury development. Lawyers, human rights groups, and activists who brought the matter to light claimed that Tanzanian security forces tried to forcefully evict the indigenous Maasai people from their ancestral land for the establishment of a luxury game reserve by Otterlo Business Corporation (OBC) for the royals ruling the United Arab Emirates. As of 18 June 2022, approximately 30 Maasai people had been injured and at least one killed, at the hands of the Tanzanian government Field Force Unit (FFU) while protesting the government’s plans of what it claims are delimiting a 1500 sq km of land as a game reserve, an act which violates a 2018 East African Court of Justice (EACJ) injunction on the land dispute, per local activists. By reclassifying the area as a game reserve, the authorities aimed to systematically expropriate Maasai settlements and grazing in the area, experts warned.

This was not the first time Maasai territory was encroached upon. Big-game hunting firms along with the government have long attacked the groups. The 2022 attacks are the latest escalation, which has left more than 150,000 Maasai displaced from the Loliondo and Ngorongoro areas as per the United Nations. A hunting concession already situated in Loliondo is owned by OBC, a company that has been allegedly linked to the significantly wealthy Emirati royal family as per Tanzanian lawyers, environmentalists as well as human rights activists. Anuradha Mittal, the executive director of the environmental think-tank, Oakland Institute cited that OBC was not a "safari company for just everyone, it has operations for the royal family".

A 2019 United Nations report described OBC as a luxury-game hunting company "based in the United Arab Emirates" that was granted a hunting license by the Tanzanian government in 1992 permitting "the UAE royal family to organise private hunting trips" in addition to denying the Maasai people access to their ancestral land and water for herding cattle.

When approached, the UAE government refrained from giving any statements. Meanwhile, the OBC commented on the matter without addressing alleged links with Emirati royals, stating that "there is no eviction in Loliondo" and calling it a "reserve land protected area" owned by the government.

Notable Maasai

Linus Kaikai - Kenyan journalist and Chair of the Kenya Editors Guild
Francis Ole Kaparo – Former Speaker of the National Assembly of Kenya
James Ole Kiyiapi – associate professor at Moi University and permanent secretary in the Ministries of Education and Local Government
Olekina Ledama – Founder, Maasai Education Discovery
Stanley Shapashina Oloitiptip - Former Kenya politician and cabinet minister
Josephine Lemoyan – social scientist, Tanzanian member of the 2017-2022 East African Legislative Assembly [113]
Nice Nailantei Lengete – First woman to address the Maasai elders council at Mount Kilimanjaro, and persuaded the council to ban female genital mutilation among the Maasai across Kenya and Tanzania
Joseph Ole Lenku – Cabinet Secretary of Kenya for Interior and Coordination of National Government from 2012 to 2014
Edward Lowassa – Prime Minister of Tanzania from 2005 to 2008. 2nd runner up to president John Pombe Magufuli in the 2015 Tanzania General Elections.
Mbatian - Prophet after whom Batian Peak, the highest peak of Mount Kenya, is named
Katoo Ole Metito – Member of Parliament for Kajiado South sub county
Joseph Nkaissery – Former Cabinet Secretary of Kenya for Interior and Coordination of National Government from 2014 to his death in 2017
William Ole Ntimama – Former Kenyan politician and leader of the Maa community
Damaris Parsitau – gender equality advocate, feminist, and scholar
David Rudisha – Middle-distance runner and 800-meter world record holder
George Saitoti - former Vice-president of Kenya
Moses ole Sakuda - Kenyan politician
Jackson Ole Sapit - Sixth Archbishop and Primate of the Anglican Church of Kenya
Edward Sokoine – Prime Minister of Tanzania from 1977 to 1980 and again from 1983 to 1984
Sanaipei Tande - Kenyan musical artist

SAN BUSHMAN PEOPLE

The San Bushmen Of Southern Africa

If you thought everything in “The gods must be crazy” film was all acted up, then wait until you observe the daily lives of the San Bushmen. To begin with, this is the tribe that consists of people who have inhabited Western Botswana and Makgadikgadi pans for centuries. That’s to say they’ve literally survived living in an arid area, which has no drop of water to be spotted anywhere. And not only do they depend on setting animal traps for feeding, but also feed on tubers and roots. Dressed in loincloths, the tribesmen swing bows and arrows on their shoulders, as they lead the way and factually make tobacco from zebras’ dung.

The San peoples (also Saan), or Bushmen, are the members of any of the indigenous hunter-gatherer cultures of southern Africa, and the oldest surviving cultures of the region. They are thought to have diverged from other humans 100,000 to 200,000 years ago.[a][4] Their recent ancestral territories span Botswana, Namibia, Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, and South Africa.

In 2017, Botswana was home to approximately 63,500 San, making it the country with the highest proportion of San people at 2.8%. 71,201 San people were enumerated in Namibia in 2023, making it the country with the second highest proportion of San people at 2.4%.

Definition

Names

Portrait of a bushman. Alfred Duggan-Cronin. South Africa, early 20th century. The Wellcome Collection, London.

"Bushmen" is the older cover term, but "San" was widely adopted in the West by the late 1990s. The term Bushmen, from 17th-century Dutch Bosjesmans, is still used by others and to self-identify, but is now considered pejorative or derogatory by many South Africans.[10 In 2008, the use of boesman (the modern Afrikaans equivalent of "Bushman") in the Die Burger newspaper was brought before the Equality Court. The San Council testified that it had no objection to its use in a positive context, and the court ruled that the use of the term was not derogatory.

The San refer to themselves as their individual nations, such as ǃKung (also spelled ǃXuun, including the Juǀʼhoansi), ǀXam, Nǁnǂe (part of the ǂKhomani), Kxoe (Khwe and ǁAni), Haiǁom, Ncoakhoe, Tshuwau, Gǁana and Gǀui (ǀGwi), etc. Representatives of San peoples in 2003 stated their preference for the use of such individual group names, where possible, over the use of the collective term San.

History

Bush-Men Hottentots armed for an Expedition, 1804

From the 1950s through to the 1990s, San communities switched to farming because of government-mandated modernization programs. Despite the lifestyle changes, they have provided a wealth of information in anthropology and genetics. One broad study of African genetic diversity, completed in 2009, found that the genetic diversity of the San was among the top five of all 121 sampled populations. Certain San groups are one of 14 known extant "ancestral population clusters"; that is, "groups of with common genetic ancestry, who share ethnicity and similarities in both their culture and the properties of their languages".

Despite some positive aspects of government development programs reported by members of San and Bakgalagadi communities in Botswana, many have spoken of a consistent sense of exclusion from government decision-making processes, and many San and Bakgalagadi have alleged experiencing ethnic discrimination on the part of the government.: 8–9 The United States Department of State described ongoing discrimination against San, or Basarwa, people in Botswana in 2013 as the "principal human rights concern" of that country.

Society

Further information: San healing practices, San rock art, and San religion

Drinking water from the bi bulb plant

Starting a fire by hand

Preparing poison arrows

San man

Most San are monogamous, but if a hunter is able to obtain enough food, he can afford to have a second wife as well.

Subsistence

Women gather fruit, berries, tubers, bush onions, and other plant materials for the band's consumption. Ostrich eggs are gathered, and the empty shells are used as water containers. Insects provide perhaps 10% of animal proteins consumed, most often during the dry season.[51] Depending on location, the San consume 18 to 104 species, including grasshoppers, beetles, caterpillars, moths, butterflies, and termites.

Early history

Wandering hunters (Masarwa Bushmen), North Kalahari desert, published in 1892 (from H. A. Bryden photogr.)

A set of tools almost identical to that used by the modern San and dating to 42,000 BC was discovered at Border Cave in KwaZulu-Natal in 2012.

In 2006, what is thought to be the world's oldest ritual is interpreted as evidence which would make the San culture the oldest still practiced culture today.

Genetics

In a study published in March 2011, Brenna Henn and colleagues found that the ǂKhomani San, as ell as the Sandawe and Hadza peoples of Tanzania, were the most genetically diverse of any living humans studied. This high degree of genetic diversity hints at the origin of anatomically modern humans.

Ancestral land conflict in Botswana

Main article: Ancestral land conflict in Botswana

San family in Botswana

Much aboriginal people's land in Botswana, including land occupied by the San people (or Basarwa), was conquered during colonization. Loss of land and access to natural resources continued after Botswana's independence. The San have been particularly affected by encroachment by majority peoples and non-indigenous farmers onto their traditional land. Government policies from the 1970s transferred a significant area of traditionally San land to majority agro-pastoralist tribes and white settlers Much of the government's policy regarding land tended to favor the dominant Tswana peoples over the minority San and Bakgalagadi. Loss of land is a major contributor to the problems facing Botswana's indigenous people, including especially the San's eviction from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve. The government of Botswana decided to relocate all of those living within the reserve to settlements outside it. Harassment of residents, dismantling of infrastructure, and bans on hunting appear to have been used to induce residents to leave. The government has denied that any of the relocation was forced.A legal battle followed. The relocation policy may have been intended to facilitate diamond mining by Gem Diamonds within the reserve.

Hoodia traditional knowledge agreement

Representation in mass media

Rock paintings in the Cederberg, Western Cape

San paintings near Murewa, Zimbabwe

San paintings near Murewa

Early representations

Documentaries and non-fiction

John Marshall, the son of Harvard anthropologist Lorna Marshall, documented the lives of San in the Nyae Nyae region of Namibia over a period spanning more than 50-years. His early film The Hunters, shows a giraffe hunt. A Kalahari Family (2002) is a series documenting 50 years in the lives of the Juǀʼhoansi of Southern Africa, from 1951 to 2000. Marshall was a vocal proponent of the San cause throughout his life.[76] His sister Elizabeth Marshall Thomas wrote several books and numerous articles about the San, based in part on her experiences living with these people when their culture was still intact. The Harmless People, published in 1959, and The Old Way: A Story of the First People, published in 2006, are two of them. John Marshall and Adrienne Miesmer documented the lives of the ǃKung San people between the 1950s and 1978 in Nǃai, the Story of a ǃKung Woman. This film, the account of a woman who grew up while the San lived as autonomous hunter-gatherers, but who later was forced into a dependent life in the government-created community at Tsumkwe, shows how the lives of the ǃKung people, who lived for millennia as hunter gatherers, were forever changed when they were forced onto a reservation too small to support them.

A documentary on San hunting entitled, The Great Dance: A Hunter's Story (2000), directed by Damon and Craig Foster. This was reviesed by Lawrence Van Gelder for the New York Times, who said that the film "constitutes an act of preservation and a requiem."

The BBC series How Art Made the World (2005) compares San cave paintings from 200 years ago to Paleolithic European paintings that are 14,000 years old. Because of their similarities, the San works may illustrate the reasons for ancient cave paintings. The presenter Nigel Spivey draws largely on the work of Professor David Lewis-Williams, whose PhD was entitled "Believing and Seeing: Symbolic meanings in southern San rock paintings". Lewis-Williams draws parallels with prehistoric art around the world, linking in shamanic ritual and trance states.

Films and music

Rock painting of a man in Twyfelfontein valley

Rock engraving of a giraffe in Twyfelfontein valley

Memoirs

Novels

James A. Michener's The Covenant (1980), is a work of historical fiction centered on South Africa. The first section of the book concerns a San community's journey set roughly in 13,000 BC.

Norman Rush's 1991 novel Mating features an encampment of Basarwa near the (imaginary) Botswana town where the main action is set.

In 2007, David Gilman published The Devil's Breath. One of the main characters, a small San boy named ǃKoga, uses traditional methods to help the character Max Gordon travel across Namibia.

The San feature in several of the novels by Michael Stanley (the nom de plume of Michael Sears and Stanley Trollip), particularly in Death of the Mantis.

The Top Most Famous Tribes in Africa

Each of the four regions of Africa all have atleast one of the most famous tribes in Africa. Africa has an estimated total of 3,000 tribes, all of which incredibly vary in terms of language and culture. The continent itself might have evolved greatly in the past two millennia; but tribal influences continue to be a dominant force in most parts. And even though the split-up between tribes has lessened over the years; tribal affiliations still stand as a prevailing source of pride among the natives. With that in mind, let’s briefly look at the 20 most famous African tribes.

In no particular order, here at the Top 20 most famous tribes in the Continent of Africa.

The Yoruba Tribe Of West Africa

Yoruba is undeniably one of the largest ethnic groups in Africa, with a population estimated at about 35 million people in total; the Yoruba tribe is one of the most famous tribes in Africa. They mainly occupy the South Western sides of Nigeria, as well as Southern Benin, with a great majority coming from Nigeria.

The Hausa Tribe Of West Africa

The Hausa are one of the largest ethnic groups in Africa, as well as the largest in West Africa. In fact, it’s not only a racially diverse ethnic group in Africa, but culturally homogenous as well, encircling the people in the Sudanian and Sahelian areas of South-eastern Niger and Northern Nigeria, with a significant number living in Chad, Togo, Cote d’Ivoire, Sudan and Ghana.

They have a restricted dress code: elaborate dresses for men with striking embroideries around the neck, and colorful caps commonly referred to as file.

For Hausa women, there’s the abaya wrapper, which consists of a colorful wrap cloth, matching blouse, a shawl and a head tie.

The Karo Tribe of East Africa

The Karo or Karaethnic group reside along the east banks of the Omo River Located in Southern Ethiopia.

With an estimated population of about 2,000 people, the Karo people form one of the most famous tribes in Africa; and they have a fascinating culture known for body painting.

Karo tribe members are known to paint their bodies with a combination of white chalk, yellow, mineral rock, iron ore, and charcoal. In addition, they often practice ritual scarification, choosing scars as an easy way to identify themselves.

The scarification of the man’s chest indicates that he has killed enemies from other tribes; and he is highly respected within his community, according to Atlas of humanity.

The Karo women are considered particularly sensual and attractive if cuts are made deep into their chests and torsos and ash is rubbed in; creating a raised effect over time and thereby enhancing sexual beauty.

The Himba Tribe of

Southern Africa

Himba tribe, found in Northern Namibia—Kunene region, is basically made up of semi-nomadic pastoralists that comprise of approximately 20, 000 to 50, 000 aboriginals. They are famously known as the “Red People of Africa,” since they use red paste called otjize—a mixture of butter and red clay to paint themselves red. Also noted in their village is the holy fire (Okuruwo), which is continuously kept alive to represent the ancestors who help them mediate with their God, Mukuru.

The Igbo Tribe of West Africa

The Igbo people also known as Ndigbo, are found in southeastern part of Nigeria as well as some remote parts of west Africa. They are also recognized in Jamaica as the Red Eboes. The Igbo people are one of the most famous tribes in Africa and have many interesting customs and traditions. With a population of around 40 million throughout Nigeria, they are one of the biggest and most influential tribes. Igbos are well-known for their entrepreneurial endeavors, doggedness, well traveled nature and sadly the Biafran war; both within Nigeria and around the world.

The Dogon Tribe of West Africa

The Dogon people are a branch of the Niger-Congo language group, a tribe of anything between 400,000 and 800,000. They live in villages in good defensive locations on the Central Plateau of Mali and into Burkina Faso. They originally believed to have headed from the north of Africa to avoid Islamisation; because their lives revolve around their traditional religion though some are now Muslims and others, Christians. As one of the most famous tribes in Africa, the Dogon people are recognized globally for their art and their astronomical knowledge. The Dogon people survive by growing crops and keeping livestock.

The Oromo Tribe Of East Africa

The Oromo tribe is made up of people who inhabit the Southern part of Ethiopia, Northern Kenya and some parts of Somalia. It’s considered the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, which accounts for about 35% of Ethiopia’s population.

Basically, the Oromos speak the Oromo Language—which is considered a Cushitic version of the Afro-Asiatic lingo.

The Kalenjin Tribe of East Africa

If you’re a serious fan of athletics, then you definitely know a word or two about this African tribe from the Western Highlands of Kenya. Originally, Kalenjins were referred to as the “Nandi speaking tribe”; until the early 1950s when they officially adopted the name Kalenjin.

Since then, the tribe has consistently been giving birth to elite Marathon runners; making it one of the most popular tribes worldwide as far as athletics is concerned.

The Tuareg Tribe of Northern Africa

The Tuaregs are a large tribe of Berber ethnicity occupying huge areas of the Sahara Desert. As nomadic pastoralists, they travel to seek food and water, making them one of the most famous tribes in Africa; As a result of their nomadic movements, they are found in the Mediterranean countries such as; Libya and Algeria, as well as countries in the region known as the Sahel; on the Sahara’s southern boundary, such as the country, Niger.

The Ashanti Tribe of West Africa

The Ashanti people live in central Ghana in the Rain forests of West Africa approximately 150 miles away from the coast. They are a major ethnic group of the Akans (Ashanti and Fanti) in Ghana, and are one of the most famous tribes in Africa. Much of the modern nation of Ghana was dominated from the late 17th through the late 19th century by a state known as Asante. Asante was the largest and most powerful of a series of states formed in the forest region of southern Ghana by people known as the Akan. Among the factors leading the Akan to form states, perhaps the most important was that they were rich in gold. The Ashanti are popular for Gold. It is now politically separated into four main parts. Ashanti is in the center and Kumasi is the capital.
The Ashanti are the largest tribe in Ghana and one of the few matrilineal societies in West Africa. The area of Ashanti is 9400 square miles with a population of about one million.

The Mbenga Tribe of West Central Africa

The Mbenga people are known as the Pygmy Ethnic Group who are found in the West Congo Basin. There are a dozen different pygmy groups with the Mbenga one that speaks Bantu and Ubangian. They are hunter-gatherers largely dependent on what the forests can provide. They trade with neighbors for other things they need. Accurate numbers are difficult to ascertain but educated guesses suggest around half a million live in the Congo rainforest. The Mbenga people are part of the most famous tribes in Africa.

The Hutu Tribe of East Africa

The Hutu Tribe has a population of around 20-25 million people, settled primarily in two countries. Although the Hutu people are considered as a small tribe, they are one of the most famous tribes in Africa. In Rwanda and Burundi, around 85% of the people are Hutu and a combined 21 million Hutu live in these two countries.

The origins of the Hutu lie in the great Bantu expansion which was when they emigrated to the Great Lakes Region in Africa around the first century. The Hutus speak Rwanda-Rundi which is a Bantu language they also share with the Tutsi and the Twa. The Hutu and the Tutsi tribes lived together in relative peace until the colonial invasion by Europeans which then soured the relations between the two tribes, leading eventually to the Rwandan genocide. The Hutus are famous for their pottery and craftsmanship; while music and dancing remain a key cultural component of the Hutu tribe.

The Fula Tribe of West Africa

The Fulani/fula/fulbe tribe are one of the largest ethnic groups and most famous tribes in Africa; with over 40 million people. They live mainly in Western African nations such as Nigeria, Mali, Guinea, Cameroon, Senegal and Chad. They have their own language known as Fula. Due to their Nomadic nature, their origins are unclear but there are many theories as to where they originated. The oral traditions of the Fulani states that they started from what is now present day Jordan. They are one of the few Africa tribes to adopt Islam, with 98% of the Fulani being Muslim. Prominent Fulani include the first President of Cameroon, Ahmadou Ahidjo, and Major General Mohammadu Buhari, the current President of Nigeria.

The Amazigh Tribe of Northern Africa

The Amazigh tribe consists of around 40 million people. Also called the Berbers, they are mostly found in Morocco and Algeria, but are also found in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Mali, Mauritiana and Niger. Most Amazigh speak the Amazigh language, though they also speak Arabic.

As one of the most famous tribes in Africa, they have inhabited the Maghreb region in North Western Africa for over 12,000 years now. There are cave paintings from around 10,000 BC which can be attributed to the Amazigh. Numidia was an ancient Amazigh Kingdom which was very prosperous at the height of its success.

The Somali Tribe of East Africa

The Somali Tribe have a population of around 20 million people and can be found majorly in the country of Somalia, and then Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya.

The origins of the Somali tribe can be traced back to about 7,000 years ago. New archaeological and linguistic studies have confirmed the Somali tribe to be the indigenous people of the Horn of Africa. They have lived there for over 7,000 years. The majority of the people speak the Somali language which is a Cushitic language. There are around 12.5 million Somali speakers worldwide.

The Chaga Tribe of East Africa

Closing the list is the Chaga tribe from Tanzania. Traditionally, this tribe inhabit the Eastern slopes of Mount Meru and Mount Kilimanjaro; and are mainly concentrated around Moshi in Tanzania.

In Tanzania, they are regarded as the first tribe to embrace Christianity during the colonial times; which in turn gave them a better access to advanced health care and education in Tanzania. It’s fun to visit these tribes in these countries and enjoy their culture and hospitality with their food.